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MURAT HALSTEAD. 



Our Country in War 

AND 

RELATIONS WITH ALL NATIONS. 



A HISTORY OF WAR TIMES 

AND 

AMERICAN HEROES ON LAND AND SEA. 

BY 

MURAT HALSTEAD, 

AMERICA'S VETERAN WAR CORRESPONDENT. 

Containing a Vivid Description of Our Present Foreign Complications. 
PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED 

WITH NUMEROUS PHOTOGRAPHS AND DRAWING^. 



THE UNITED SUBSCRIPTION BOOK PUBLISHERS 
OF AMERICA. 



MOf^ 



H^HVA 



Copyrighted, 1 898 

BY 

F. OLDACH, SR. 



I JUN2 8i5y8 






/ 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 



ON the front of the palace at Versailles, is in golden 
letters the famous inscription, "To All the Glories 
of France," and the splendor of the sentiment has pre- 
served from the ruthless hands of revolution, and from 
defacement by enemies in temporary triumph, the marbles 
of the magnificent edifice and the proud letters of gold. 
The memories of nations have many forms of expression, 
and it is not those distinguished by pomp that seem to 
have been the most certainly preserved and to possess the 
greater assurance of perpetuity. In the mounds of the 
ancient cities on the Euphrates, in the hills of desolation 
that mark the sites of mighty capitals, are found cylinders 
of burnt clay on which are the records of the dynasties 
that have otherwise perished, of peoples among whose 
memorials no tower stands to tell the tale of the race, no 
arch abides to speak of the vanished ages or locate in the 
abyss beyond the era of history, the Empires that are lost. 
It is the cylinder of clay that has the quality of immortality. 
Still more in the printed leaves of our time will be found 
the pages that minister to the pride of people, and on 
which are inscribed the lessons of the rise and fall of 
nations that shall enshrine the lives of great men and 
apply the excellence of good deeds. 

It is hoped in this volume to assemble the glories of 
our country, not alone those of war, but of peace, and 
especially to celebrate the policies that are executed for the 
general welfare, and the things that are done with public 
purpose for the common good. This is to array the events 
that are luminous on the paths of Progress we have 



THE AUTHORS PREFACE. 

passed. Our country is in evidence before the world. Its 
foundations spanning a continent, its States an arch between 
the two greater oceans of the globe, its position is a com- 
manding one. To us is committed the leadership of the 
Freemen of a Hemisphere. We emerged from a colonial 
State ruled by remote masters, through war to indepen- 
dence, and we have been consolidated and at the same time 
extended and self-educated through war. The same gen- 
eral outlines of advancement are marked in the other 
American Republics that have advanced and arisen from 
the condition of European dependencies to be sovereign 
States. 

We would include in this volume not only the accom- 
plishments of our own country, but those achievements of 
others that are related to us in geographical association 
and under their own constitutions and flags are to share 
with us American Destiny. Our own stature, we are 
aware, is our title to seat ourselves where the Great Powers 
meet to determine the affairs that are international, and we 
trust, as we believe in Republican Government, we may 
know how to use a giant's glorious strength gloriously. 

MURAT HALSTEAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 



THE national policy of the people of the United States 
was simplified by the war of states and sections into 
which we were drifting forty years ago. War educates 
and legislates. As we emerged from the conflict of states 
and nations one and indestructible, many and indivisible, it 
was into a consciousness that we had underestimated our 
strength in our Fourth of July literature. We had so 
adorned ourselves with complacency, were so pleased with 
compliments, that we had omitted to give our capacity due 
estimation. We were most appreciative of our splendor, 
but had an inadequate estimation of the substance that 
sustained the glittering show. The North and South had 
confronted each other as great nations, and there was a 
kindling, on both sides, of pride in the One Nation whose 
majestic outlines were soon sharply defined, while the com- 
bined energies of the people, developed for destruction, 
were devoted to the works of the soil and shops ; and the 
marvelous land we have inherited prospered beyond 
example. There has been much more than our material 
progress. We have lifted ourselves among the group of 
the nations of the earth, and are shoulder to shoulder with 
the loftiest of them. We have a giant's strength, and have 
not ill-used it. All-absorbing Russia consented to sell us 
the huge territory of Alaska, and its archipelago that ex- 
tends across the North Pacific. There were those who 
shrank from more territory, were feeble-minded about 



INTRODUCTION. 

the natives, and worked up for misuse the phrase " entan- 
gling alliances." That sort of conservatism has been, as 
always, discredited with results. Russia has not enough 
money to buy the land that she sold us for seven millions — 
and yet she has not lost as we have gained. Our enrich- 
ment has not been her impoverishment. It is the mighty 
mastic of our fortune that transforms all that becomes ours. 
It was so with Louisiana, California and the rest. It will 
be so with Cuba and Hawaii. Mexico never had what we 
gained, and the land, and the rivers, and the sky she keeps, 
have a natural opulence that needs many generations of 
labor for full revelation. 

In Our Relations With All Other Nations, we have, since 
the stalwart unity that the war made, in making us ac- 
quainted, more and more manifested ourselves. The em- 
pire established by the French in Mexico was offensive to 
us and disappeared at our command. We called upon 
England to accept, in the interest of peace, the responsibility 
for the privateering which she provided in the "Alabama." 
She comprehended the obligation and had the statesman- 
ship to pay the bill. The world seemed to find out our 
rank among the great peoples and powers before we did. 
We are the Dominant Power of the Western Hemisphere — 
so called because the American continents were found, by 
those who knew the art of navigation, when voyaging west- 
ward. This dominance is not necessarily to be used for 
our own selfish purposes of increase, but for the good of 
the American countries that defer to us on account of the 
seniority of our Republic — and that we insist that European 
colonies or colonization systems are out of date here. We are 
not interfering in Africa or Asia, but America must be let 
alone for Americans. That is the brevity and beauty of the 
Monroe Doctrine. Spain is losing the last of her American 



INTR OD UCTION. 

islands as she lost all her American continental empires. 
Look at the map and see whether we are not concerned. 
We are more interested than either Spain or Cuba in 
" The Pearl of the Antilles," and we are in such relations 
with Spain that she is appealing to Europe against us. The 
effect of this cannot be other than to press us to the front 
of the nations — to augment our sense of power and the 
sensibilities of others of it. 

The world is a neighborhood. We are one of the big- 
neighbors and our vast possessions have not caused to pale, 
the original spirit of liberty — but heightened that patriotism 
that was aflame in our country before the forms of political 
expression were organized. Our country will no longer 
play a role of meekness because we may or may not have 
enemies beyond the seas. We shall make our potentiality 
felt in other lands — not as Jingo or Fillibuster — but as an 
armed nation that will stand with head among the stars 
where the red, white and blue are, sword in hand ! We 
have a elorious record of wars, and this book shall tell of 
them — and of other wars in the Americas that have broken 
foreign bonds and helped to Americanize America. We 
shall celebrate the freedom from the despotism that still 
kindles baleful fires within sight of our shores, from the 
misgovernment that compels Cubans to fight to the death — 
for the battle of American freedom against Spanish des- 
potism has been won all the way from our own Carolinas 
to Cape Horn. The manifest destiny of the islands of the 
American seas is that of the disenthralled continents — with 
a higher and, we trust, broader and brighter enlightenment 
of those who have studied the Schools of Sorrow from 
which come the Teachings of Wisdom. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGB 

Introduction, . . . 17 

CHAPTER I. 

THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

We Live in War Times — The Old Peace Dream Over — America must 
Take Her Place as the Dominant Power of this Hemisphere and one 
of the Greater Nations of the Earth — It is Pohcy and Destiny, ... 21 

CHAPTER II. 

GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

George Washington in his Boyhood Put Our Countrj' in the Saddle — In 
International Matters Conservative, he was, in his Youth, the Foremost 
of the Adventurers of the Gentlemen of his State Invading the Great 
West — He Knew More of That which is now the Heart of the Country 
than any other Man of his Generation, and more Wisely Appreciated 
the Value of the Ohio and the Mississippi Valleys — He was the Chosen 
Leader when but Twenty-two Years of Age, of the First Band of 
Colonists who took the field against the French Aggression in the Ohio 
Country — It was at his Personal Command that the First Guns were 
Fired and the First Blood Shed in the Great War for the Domination 
in North America Between England and France, terminating in the 
Possession, by the People of the United States, of the Soil they Now 
Occupy — He First Assisted the English to Put Out the French, and 
then the French Assisted Him in Putting Out the English, 31 

CHAPTER III. 

THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

George Rogers Clark the Winner of the Title for the United States 01 
the North-western Territory, Preparing the Way for the Louisiana 
Purchase — His Slender Means and Vast Achievements — He Captures 
Kaskaskia and Vincennes — His Wonderful Wading March in the 
Wabash Flood— He Died a Poor Man, but one of the Immortals, . . 49 

13 



14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Jefferson's territorial enterprise. 

PAGE 

Merriwether Lewis and William Clark carry Westward the Course of 
Empire — Their Journey up the Missouri River — Their Passage through 
the Yellowstone Region — On the Great Divide — Down the Columbia 
— Shooting the Rapids through the Dalles on to the Pacific, 75 

CHAPTER V. 

THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 

The Projected Confederacy of the Red Nations — The Measures adopted 
by Tecumseh's Brother, the Artful " Prophet,'' to Induce the Savages 
to Join the Confederacy — Tecumseh and the Prophet make strategic 
Use of the Superstitious Trait in the Indian Character — The Death of 
Tecumseh as Related by Black Hawk, 90 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE RACE FOR OREGON. 

Marcus Whitman Determines the Future Ownership of Oregon and 
Washington — England through the Hudson Bay Company was His 
Keen Compedtor — His Heroic Ride to the Nadonal Capital to Save 
the Territory — His Manly Appeal to President Tyler and Secretary of 
State, Daniel Webster — The Return with One Thousand Settlers, One 
Year After his Departure — Devastation During His Absence and His 
Massacre with His Wife and Many Others Four Years Later, .... loi 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES IN THE REVOLUTION. 

The French as Our Allies Beat the British at the Capes of Virginia, and 
were Beaten on the way to Attack Jamaica — The French Gift of Money 
to Our Fathers — The French from Dobb's Ferry to Yorktown — The 
Count De Grasse who Beat the British at the Capes of Virginia was 
Beaten and Captured by Admiral Lord Rodney, April 8, 1781, ... 112 

CHAPTER VIII. 

JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 

The Ranger, Eighteen Guns, was the First American Vessel to Sail 
Under the Stars and Stripes — "Old Glory" First Saluted by a French 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



15 



Admiral in 1778 — The First Battle Fought Under the American Flag 
at Sea — The Capture of the Drake — Paul Jones' Attack on White- 
haven — The Attempt to Capture the Earl of Selkirk — The Fight of the 
Bon Hotmne Richard and the Serapis — Sketch of the Life of Paul 
Jones — His Service in the Russian Navy, and His Death in Paris, . . 123 

CHAPTER IX. 

OUR WAR UPON THE PIRATES. 

Our Navy at the Beginning"of the Century — The War with the Barbary 
Pirates — Picturesque and Deadly Fighting at Tripoli — The Glory of 
Decatur — The Praise of Nelson — Hand to Hand Fighting — Decatur 
Kills his Brother's Murderers — The Burning of the *' Philadelphia" 
and the Awful Fate of the Fire Ship, 132 

CHAPTER X. 

WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

Henry Clay and Naval Preparations — His Sympathy with Greece — The 
Recognition of Greece — The Triumph of Clay — The Fear of Clay that 
England would Possess Cuba — The Seventeen Years' War of Spain — 
Clinging to Her South American Colonies — Correspondence with the 
Emperor of Russia — The Fights of our Frigates in the Last War With 
England — The Impressment of American Seamen that Caused the 
War — Actual Fighting Before War was Declared — The Famous Chase 
of the Constitution and the Combat with the Guerriere 142 

CHAPTER XI. 

JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

The British and Spanish at Pensacola — The Advance of the Great New 
Orleans Expedition — An Appeal to People of Louisiana and Kentucky 
to Accept Spanish Liberty — The Story of Lafitte and His Refusal of 
British Gold — The Overture of the Battle of New Orleans and Jack- 
son's Dealings with the Spaniards in Florida, 170 

CHAPTER XII. 

OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

Clay and Webster on Presidential Power and the Right of Free Speech, 
and Humane Sympathy with Liberty at Home and Abroad — Henry 
Clay on the Power of the President and the Duties of a Nation to 



1 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Humanity — Henry Clay's Flaming Denunciations of the Turks for 
Carrying on War against the Greeks — The most Atrocious and Brutal 
War that ever Stained Earth or Shocked High Heaven — Daniel Web- 
ster Accused of being a Revolutionist — This for some Civil Words to 
Kossuth — How the Great Constitutional Lawyer and Conservative 
Statesman answered the Charge — The Famous Hulsemann Letters — 
Laying Down the Great American Principles of our Relations with 
Other Nations and the Cause of Liberty, 197 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Mexico's wars of independence. 

The Imperial Tragedies in Mexican History — The Philosophy of Re- 
bellion against Spain, and the Dominant Nature of Spaniards and 
Hatred of Native Americans — The Interference of Napoleon in Spain, 
and the Conflict of Jurisdiction of Juntas, and How the Republic of 
Mexico Emerged from Chaos, 214 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

Disturbances In Spain Offer South Americans Opportunities for Freedom 
— Loyalty to Spain Requited by Tyranny and Massacre — Feeling 
against the Bonapartes in Colombia — The Usual Pompous Proclama- 
tions — Spaniards Sent to Fill all Places and the People Robbed — The 
Same Misgovernment that has Brought Cuba to Woe — How the South 
American RepubHcs were Almost a Confederacy in the Revolutionary 
Period — The Native Americans Opposing the Spaniards — The Same 
Grievances Existed from Paraguay and Chili to Venezuela — The 
Character and Career of Simon Bolivar, 227 

CHAPTER XV. 

HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

The Spanish Colonial System in South America too strong for the Home 
Government, and Intolerable and Irreconcilable in its Oppression and 
Animosity — It is the same old story told in the Current History of 
Cuba — The Colonies of Spain were Intensely Attached to Her, but 
Cruelly Spurned — Nothing Short of Slavery would Suffice — The Con- 
federacy of Colombia — French and British Influence— American Sym- 
pathizers with Cuba owe Historical Regard to Colombia — The Revolu- 
tions in the United States and France Agitate the World — British 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 17 



PAGE 



Policy Hostile to Spain, and the Influence of the Intrusion of Napoleon 
— Proclamation of the Governor of Trinidad — British Expedition to 
La Plata — Defeated at Montimaro — Pitt's Policy — The War for Inde- 
pendence in Mexico Reads Like Late Cuban News, 242 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 

The People of Chili the Yankees of South America — Napoleon Indirectly 
the Cause of the Revolution in Chili — Colonists Deprived of Pohtical 
Rights — The Colonies were Governed for the Benefit of the Mother 
Country only — All Offices Held by European Spaniards — Chili's Con- 
servative Course in the Struggle for Greater Liberties — That Wars 
that Finally Won Chilian Independence, 256 

CHAPTER XVII. 

THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERU. 

The Liberators of Chili Aid the Peruvians in Establishing Their Inde- 
pendence — The United Expedition Designated as the " United Liber- 
ating Army of Peru '' — Capture of the Spanish Frigate Esmeralda by 
the Chilians and the Defeat of the Royalists by the Patriots — San 
Martin Proclaimed Protector of Peru, 275 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 

How De Francia Became Dictator of Paraguay — Paraguay the First 
South American State to Declare its Entire and Absolute Independ- 
ence — The Declaration of Independence 283 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA IN OUR WAR WITH MEXICO. 

The Honor of the Arms of Mexico — Mexican Account of Buena Vista 
— A Splendidly Told Story That Gives the American Troops Full 
Credit — Santa Anna's Terrible Retreat 295 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

The Policy which Mexico should have Pursued — The Demoralizing 
Effect of Defeat on Nations of Spanish Descent — The Boastful Vanity 
of the Spanish-American Compared with the Active Energy of our 



1 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Troops — The Story of the Battle of Cerro Gordo and a Vivid Descrip- 
tion of the Terrible and Uemorahzing Retreat, 3^5 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

The United States Proves Herself the Dominant Power of America — 
The Remarkable Campaign Before the City of Mexico — Though 
Fighting Against Powerful Odds the Valor of our Troops Counts for 
more than Superior Numbers — Our Officers Prove Themselves Su- 
perior Strategists — The Overwhelming Defeat of the Mexicans Compels 
them to Ask for an Armistice to Gain Time which is Shortly Fol- 
lowed by Renewed Hostilities, soon Terminating in the Surrender of 
Mexico, 336 

CHAPTER XXII. 

AN EXAMPLE OF A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 

The Guarantee of the Military Power of the United States Lies in the 
Superior Energy of Her Citizens — The Fighting McCooks are a Fair 
Sample of the American Type — A Brief Sketch of the Individual 
Members of the Two Families, 354 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL, FROM AN 

EMPIRE. 

The Transformation of the Empire of Brazil to a Republic was more 
easily accomplished by the Liberal-mindedness of the Emperor — 
Brazil, on account of her Gold Fields, at one time received the at- 
tention of the Various Powers of Europe — Napoleon was the prime 
Cause of the Establishment of the Empire of Brazil, and the Just 
and Liberal-minded Emperor, Don Pedro II. was the Cause of the 
Long Delay in Establishing the Brazilian Republic 368 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

The Picturesqueness, Commercial Value and Historic Interest of the 
Philippine Islands— The Agricultural Industry as Manipulated by 
the Natives— Manila one of the Greatest Commercial Centres of the 
Orient— The Siege of Manila by the English in the Year 1762— A His- 
torical Coincidence, 383 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 19 



CHAPTER XXV. 

THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

PAGE 

Area and Inhabitants — Ancient Traditions and Histories — The Soil and 
Climate — The Productions and the Beauty of the Scenery — A Retreat 
for Invalids and Paradise of Artists — Water is Precious — Love-making 
and Fleas, 406 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 

Our Great Territorial Purchase from Russia — The Great Bargain of 
Seward and Sumner Extending our Dominion into the Polar Regions 
and Asiatic Waters — An Immense and Significant Enlargement of 
our Area of Empire, 425 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 

Our Policy in Relation to China and Our Opposition to the Second 
Opium War — The Confidence of China in the United States — The Pro- 
tection Offered China by the United States, through Her Representa- 
tives—The Fall of China Principally Due to Her Opposition to Chris- 
tian Civilization — The Fame of " Chinese Gordon" the Work of an 

., American — China's Recognition of the Services of Our Countrymen, . 432 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

We must go up and to the Front — All the Land we have Annexed has 
been Good for the People — We have Reached the Limit on this Con- 
tinent and Need Islands — The Duties Belonging to our Growth and 
Destiny, 440 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

The Philosophy and Logic of Our War with Spain and the Good Fruit 
Thereof — Causes of Spanish Degeneracy — The United States the Only 
True Republic — Spanish Losses a Guarantee of her Future — The 
Logic of Our Expansion — The Future of Cuba — The Living and Dead 
Nations — Our Growth in Peace and Glory in War — Annexation and 
Immigration — We have, for Forty Years, been Drifting into War with 
Spain about Cuba, 467 



20 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 

PAGE 

The Sorrowful History of Cuba — The Spanish Colonial System was 
Founded in Personal Despotism— The Wrongs of the Cubans — The 
Justice and Triumph of their Cause, and the Causes that Led up to 
the War between the United States and Spain, 482 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

Congress Declares War — Reasons for the Patience of the President — 
Cause of the Impatience of Congress in Going to War witli Spain — 
Scenes and Speeches in the Senate and House — Development of Pub- 
lic Opinion — The Order of the Proceedings, the Declaration of War, 
and the Executive Proclamations, 494 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

Commodore Dewey Receives Orders to Capture or Destroy the Spanish 
Fleet at Manila — Orders Immediately Carried Out — Spanish Squadron 
Annihilated — Manila, Capital of the Philippines, Blockaded — Thanks 
of the Nation Extended Through Congress to Commodore Dewey — 
His Promotion to Rank of Rear-Admiral — The Effect of Dewey's Vic- 
tory in the Philippines — Their Future Ownership and the Anglo- 
American Alliance, 520 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

The Power of Our Country Lies in the Intelligence of Our Citizens and 
Our Great Wealth — The Quality of our Fighting Stock Made up 
Largely of Raw Recruits, Shows a Remarkable Development of Hero- 
ism — The Battle of Manila, and the Sinking of the Merriniac at Santi- 
ago are Samples of American Strategy — Europe again Recognizes 
Our Almost Forgotten Fighting Qualities, 546 




GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
The Father of Our Country. 



OUR COUNTRY IN WAR 



CHAPTER I. 

THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

We Live in War Times — The Old Peace Dream Over — America must Take 
Her Place as the Dominant Power of this Hemisphere and one of the 
Greater Nations of the Earth — It is Policy and Destiny. 

Half a century ago — in days still remembered by many 
active in the affairs of our States and the nation — the chil- 
dren of America were taught in the schools, the newspapers, 
the churches, and in the fireside talks at home, that there 
was to be war in the world no more. The youth of our 
country read the histories of the great wars with a convic- 
tion that these things belonged to other conditions of human 
life and organized society. There had been great inventions 
that made for peace. The spirit of progressive Christianity 
was abroad : the sword would not devour forever. We 
Americans were especially exempt from the slaughter of the 
people wrought by the ambition of foolish kings. The 
solemn admonition of Washington, that we should avoid 
entangling alliances abroad, dwelt with us. Separated, as 
we were, by oceans and by ages from war as the natural 
occupation of a people, the elements of strife were lacking 
in our land of plenty and of liberty, — liberty marred only 
in part by the existence of a racial system of slavery in our 
midst. 

What should or could we fear ? Oregon at the mouth of 

2 21 



22 THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

the Columbia was ours. The mouth of the Mississippi was 
ours also ; and orators were accustomed to say, as a climax, 
that our possessions extended from Maine to Florida. We 
were isolated in our own grandeur; and our free, popular 
government guaranteed us against the contention of com- 
munities. If we wanted anything settled, we had only to 
take a vote on it, — and there was the infallible Constitution 
of the United States. As for differences among sections, 
Andrew Jackson had threatened Calhoun with condign 
punishment if he crossed the line of national prerogative 
widi the doctrine of nullification. Concerning slavery, 
Washington owned many slaves ; and the Bible commanded 
servants to obey their masters. And as for cranks, they 
should be judged and dealt with according to law. We had 
liberty that would solve all troubles, though it had not been 
precisely proclaimed " throughout the land and to all the 
inhabitants thereof," according to the inscription on the 
Declaration of Independence Bell. 

It is but half a century since we found ourselves at war 
with Mexico. Texas and California were added by the 
sword to our sisterhood of states, and it is one of the happy 
facts of history that our gains did not turn out to be Mexico's 
losses. There was a profound disturbance in Europe that 
sent Continental monarchs flying. After all, the volcanoes 
were not extinct. The great wars since those days have 
been that of the Crimea, in which England, France, Turkey, 
and Sardinia fought the statesmanship of Russia, and Tur- 
key was preserved as a living Asiatic menace in Europe ; 
then the war of France against Austria, culminadng at Sol- 
ferino ; the war of our States that closed at Appomattox ; 
the French invasion of Mexico ; the war in which Prussia 
beat down Austria at Sadowa ; the Franco-German war, in 
which Paris fell and France lost Alsace and Lorraine ; and 



THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 23 

the war of Russia against Turkey, that roared around 
Plevna. There were the wars of the Mutiny in India, of 
the occupation of Egypt, of the fall of Khartoum, the wars 
to open the ports of China, the war in which Chili struck 
down Peru, the civil war in Brazil, the war in which Japan 
put China to the sword, the wars in Cuba, and the Turco- 
Grecian war. 

No continent has been exempt ; and the latest of this 
series of combats is not the least, so far as we are con- 
cerned. The increase of military and naval armaments 
within this generation has been beyond example. The 
armed nations, in their equipments for asserting themselves, 
have consumed the products of industry, and mortgaged 
the future for money to cover extraordinary expenditures 
for the machinery of destruction, — expenditures amounting 
to more than the cost of armies, fleets, fortifications, and the 
ravages of campaigning, from Bunker Hill to Waterloo. 
The world is learning war more than ever; and the 
arbitrament of arms was never so costly as now. 

The Turks, Austrians, French, Chinese, Peruvians, and 
Mexicans lost territory in the wars of the later half of the 
century. The Turkish losses became small kingdoms ; the 
Austrians gaining two provinces and the Greeks one. The 
greater importance of the acquisition of Alsace and Lor- 
raine by the Germans, has been the unquenchable enmity 
of France ; and the symbol of it is the old statue of Marshal 
Ney in the park at Metz, musket in hand, as he faced the 
Russians on the retreat from Moscow. The statue of Stras- 
burg crowned with mourning wreaths, in the Place de la 
Concorde at Paris, has not such sinister significance as the 
defiant figure of Ney on German territory. At night, in the 
electric light that glows near the French field-marshal, he 
seems to listen and almost to speak. 



24 THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

The greatest gain of land by the sword in modern times 
was that which we acquired from Mexico. We were par- 
ticularly fortunate in earlier and later days, in buying 
Louisiana from the French, and Alaska from the Russians. 

In the same period England and Russia have obtained 
vast landed possessions, Germany has unified German 
States, and the Italian peninsula has crystallized into one 
kingdom. 

Naturally the tendency of the times has been to the ex- 
pansion of sovereignties, partly for the same reason that 
there has been an unexampled growth of cities and aug- 
mentation of popular demonstrations. These things result 
from the extension and perfection of railway systems ; from 
telegraphy and cheap papers ; from the manufacture of 
high-grade steel at low rates, permitting the erection of 
bridges and buildings otherwise impracticable ; and from 
the improvement of the condition of the hosts of labor. 
The victories in peaceful conventions, not less than those on 
the fields of combat, make for the aggrandizement of em- 
pires and the concentration of peoples. Our Confederates 
fought against the stars when they took up arms against 
that consolidation which we call nationality, and which, with 
guarantees of popular liberty in republicanism and democ- 
racy, has in it the enduring and dominating substance of 
imperialism, that overcomes and expands and constructs 
and goes on to greater destinies. It is the rule of the many, 
not of the few, that is the stronger government. It is not 
the Czars and Kaisers, the Sultans, the Emperor-Kings, 
and the Empress-Queens, who are to be magnified in the 
future by our higher civilization ; but the millions themselves 
shall be great, by reason of the conditions of equal oppor- 
tunity and the discipline of common and inviolable order. 

The world is no longer inaccessible and unknown to its 



THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 



25 



inhabitants. It is explored, measured, traversed, until there 
is instantaneous communication between the old mysteries 
of the atlas. Some of our States, in cost of time and move- 
ment, are farther away from our commercial and political 
capitals and the clusters of our manufacturing industries 
than are Klngland and France ; but the States fronting the 
two great oceans are better acquainted with each other, 
and have a closer sense of companionship, than the counties 
of the older States — Virginia and New York, for example 
— had, before the steamboat, the railroad, the telegraph, and 
the telephone came to intensify the application of the an- 
cient and honored motto, " E pliiribiis uimniy If we are of 
New York, the nations of Europe are now more distinctly 
our neighbors than were the New-England States when the 
girl-queen, Victoria, was crowned. 

Whether or not it was the pro-slavery ambition that 
caused the war with Mexico and the magnificent country we 
appropriated, it was a wise and masterly stroke. Those who 
delivered it may have builded more wisely than they knew ; 
but no blame attaches to workmen who do that. The oppo- 
sition to the annexation of Texas was narrow, even if there 
was a little speculation in the Texas debt ; and when we 
accepted as a State Texas, the France of America, the 
Americanization of the people was justification. New Mex- 
ico has not changed, and developed American characteris- 
tics so rapidly as we could desire ; but the example that, 
above all, vindicates the policy of annexation — not excepting 
Louisiana, Florida, or Texas — is California. We have 
nothing more priceless than the Golden Gate ; but some of 
our statesmen shuddered when we got it. 

There were many criticisms when William H. Seward and 
Charles Sumner accepted the friendly offer of Russia to sell 
us Alaska. If they had not improved the happy moment, 



26 THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

it never would have come again. Now, the American peo- 
ple would not tolerate the idea of selling that vast Northern 
reserve for our people in the future, with its forests, its fish- 
eries, and mines, for one hundred times the sum we paid 
for it — nor indeed for any sum at all. We never have an- 
nexed a bit of land we would care or dare to part with ; and 
we never shall. 

The Mexican land we won by the sword was beyond 
valuation, measured in precious metals. We had matchless 
good fortune in that. Our great civil war taught the peo- 
ple of the antagonistic sections to respect each other ; and 
when the Union was reestablished, our gigantic resources 
were revealed to the whole nation. The retirement of the 
French from Mexico, and the payment of the Alabama 
award by England, as well as our resumption of specie 
payments and the elevation of national credit, asserted with 
glorious achievements, confirmed, before consenting nations, 
our standing as one of the great Powers. 

In the three latest wars, two of which have shaken con- 
tinents historically older than ourselves, we are deeply con- 
cerned. We name first, as it is still going on and is nigh 
us, the war in Cuba, It is vain for the Spaniards to say 
that they alone are interested in and responsible for that 
island. We have an interest and responsibility in it, because 
it guards the Mediterranean of America ; and the waters of 
more than half our States flow by the shores of Cuba, 
whether they reach the Ariantic by the Gulf Stream or by 
the Caribbean Sea. We have the right to stop, at our doors, 
savagery in warfare, and to protect the lives and property 
of American citizens ; and we overshadow all this, and far 
more, with the right of the Dominant Power of this hemis- 
phere. 

The war between Turkey and Greece has made changes 



THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 27 

in Europe that may effect us more seriously than any 
other event abroad in the closing decade of the century. 
It is not improbable that the Emperor of Germany — the 
most restless and enterprising of modern monarchs — was 
the manager of that war ; that he prepared the theatre, 
and supplied the actors. He visited Vienna at a critical 
time in the relations of the Powers ; and then the Emperor 
of Austria made haste to visit the Czar of Russia. From 
that time there was concert between the Kaiser, the Czar, 
the Sultan, and the Emperor-King of Austria and Hungary, 

the masters of the armed nations in which there is the 

least public opinion, indeed so litde of it, that imperial 
affairs are decided without reference to the sentiments of 
the people. The Austrian sovereign does not assert him- 
self absolutely as the others do in their respective do- 
minions. But he has two Turkish provinces ; and, as he 
wanted more, he maintained the concert. The German 
Emperor has the greatest military machine the world has 
ever seen. Next to him in that respect is the Czar, — a 
young man in the iron grip of a system, with a million 
thouo-hdess bayonets. The Sultan has been rehabilitated. 
It is seen that he has an immense army, and that there is 
no better fighting material in Europe than that which com- 
poses it. 

It is well worth while for us to consider that the combi- 
nation of emperors growing out of the Greco-Turkish war 
is the most formidable alliance of military Powers ever 
formed. There are four great armies in it, — the Turkish, 
with half a million men, being the smallest,— and three 
considerable navies. The Kaiser and the Czar are young 
in experience, and not limited within defined responsibili- 
des. Germany is the leader, and has the colonizing 
passion. This country is the one that would naturally 



28 



THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 



appear to the imperial mind of the Kaiser as the strongest 
example of a wrong form of government; and other 
despots could hardly help agreeing with him. 

We may be sure there will be more friction than there 
has been between us and other nations, because each year 
brings us closer together. We can send orders for goods 
to Germany by cable, and have them landed here within 
ten days of the date of the message. One hundred of the 
ships of war reviewed at Portsmouth in the course of 
Queen Victoria's Jubilee could be off our coast in a fort- 
night. There is ready at Bermuda and Halifax an abund- 
ance of docks, stores, provisions, and ammunition, as well 
as all the machinery for handling and fitting out ships of 
war ; and away down in the Carribbean Sea the English 
have another vast station of like character. We should 
not count England as an enemy ; but she is our only rival 
on this continent. She holds more continental land and 
more islands in the American hemisphere than we do. 
She is prepared for war both in the Atlantic and the 
Pacific. 

The imperialism of England is to-day a considerable fact, 
and means more to us than to any other people except the 
English. We say English rather than British; for the 
evolution is of England. Already the English colonies are 
in sharp competition with us in producing food for the 
metropolitan centres of congested civilization. Australians 
have broken the markets of New York more than once. 
A cablegram to Melbourne brings butter by the thousand 
tons from the other side of our planet, where the grass is 
green all the year. Australia is not as far away in time 
and charges as Europe was in the middle of the nineteenth 
century. The English invested a great deal of capital in 
Argentina, and seemed to have lost it ; but the railroads they 



THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 



29 



built and the ships they subsidized opened immense wheat- 
lands. Besides, the oceans are easy roads. 

We have rights as a humane Power, with faith in self- 
government, and a consciousness of manifest destiny, to 
do the things counting for freedom and peace and the ex- 
tension of our just influence in Cuba. Shall we take steps 
looking to retirement, or must we walk in the ways made 
familiar by those who established the zone of our national 
predominance across the continent, took Florida, and, touch- 
ing the tropical climate of the Southern Seas, moved north 
and west into the Arctic regions, so that from the eastern 
border of Maine to the western islands of the Aleutian 
group, we have in the summer days eighteen hours of sun- 
shine on the land covered by our flag? Shall we not go 
on where the honors and the glories await us as the Power 
that is competent, if we will, to speak for half the globe ? 
Once the Alleghenies were our western horizon; but we 
have crossed the space that divided the discoveries of Co- 
lumbus from the lands of his dreams, where the east and 
the west are blended, like sea and sky, in the boundless 
blue of the waters and the air. 

The objection is made that we neither have nor can have, 
under our system of States, anything but States and Ter- 
ritories. We, the people of the United States, however, 
ordained a Constitution to establish " a more perfect 
Union " ; and that very Union was triumphant, through the 
conquest of States whose statesmen largely made the Union 
greater than the States. And the continuance of the policy 
of annexation only invites us to be masterful in peace. 
We need to formulate a colonial system, and then the pre- 
cedents should be everlasting examples. Thomas Jef- 
ferson saw that if the Constitution was not equal to the 
occasion of the absorption of the Louisiana purchase, there 



,0 THE UNITED STATES MUST DOMINATE AMERICA. 

was a higher and a more fundamental law, that of our in- 
heritance, written over the continent, in rivers and ranges 
of mountains, in plains and valleys, and that, therefore, the 
Constitution would have to be accommodating. No parch- 
ment can forbid the march of mankind. Our territorial 
system has served us well. It has yielded thirty-two States, 
each as sovereign and inviolable as the others ; and there 
is no primacy by reason of seniority. 

We ought to be armed as becomes a great Power ; not 
for military aggression, as our volunteers have always been 
and will prove to be sufficient for that. But, whether we 
include the American islands in the scope of our sover- 
eignty or not, we need to equip ourselves for international 
eventualities. 

We are one of the great Powers. This fact should ap- 
pear elsewhere than in our statistical tables and on the 
maps. We care nothing for the "balance of power" 
in Europe. That is a matter of locality and detail. We 
have litde concern how Africa, Asia, or Australia are 
cut up. But the American islands are ours for the here- 
after ; and we shall, in good time, annex Cuba, as we an- 
nexed Florida, Texas, and California, and add her tropical 
riches to the arctic resources of Alaska, so that all the 
zones may be included in the patrimony of our people. J 

It is the logic and lesson of current history, that the 1 
greatest of wars are to come ; for the nations are spend- 
mg money, time, and toil in learning war, with an extrava- 
gance incessandy increasing as the later years of the century 
are numbered. 



CHAPTER II. 

GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

George Washington in his Boyhood Put Our Country in the Saddle — In Inter- 
national Matters Conservative, he was, in his Youth, the Foremost of 
the Adventurers of the Gentlemen of his State Invading the Great 
West — He Knew More of That which is now the Heart of the Country 
than any other Man of his Generation, and More Wisely Appreciated 
the Value of the Ohio and the Mississippi Valleys — He was the Chosen 
Leader when but Twenty- two Years of Age, of the First Band of Colo- 
nists who took the Field against the French Aggression in the Ohio 
Country, It was at his Personal Command that the First Guns were 
Fired and the First Blood Shed in the Great War for the Domination in 
North America Between England and France, terminating in the Pos- 
session, by the People of the United States, of the Soil they now Occupy — • 
He First Assisted the English to Put Out the French, and then the 
French Assisted Him in Putting Out the English. 

There is hardly to be found in the records of mankind 
an occasion more grateful and opportune to sweep away a 
work of historic injustice than that afforded in writing a 
history of "Our Country in War and Our Foreign Rela- 
tions," by declaring at the outset, the splendor of the 
youthful heroism and achievements of George Washing- 
ton in laying broader and deeper the foundations of the 
government by the people, of which he stands in the august 
and universally ascribed relation as the Father. For more 
than a century the name of Washington has been used by 
those who have been opposed to the expansion of our coun- 
try. No man ever had a more direct hand than himself in 
expanding it. He was too early to see beyond the Missis- 
sippi, for it had not then entered the imagination of man 
that this Republic was to be bounded only by the Atlantic 
and the Pacific Oceans, and the Great Lakes and the Great 

31 



22 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

Gulf. So far-seeing, however, was Washington, that it is easy 
to conjecture that he must have had some ghmpses of the 
t^lory to come. His personal part, in extreme youth, as the 
representative of Virginia and the colonies associated with 
her in resisting the French system of grasping all the lands 
watered by the tributaries of the Mississippi, is most inter- 
esting, litde understood, and rarely realized in its full pro- 
portions. 

About one hundred and fifty years ago the French, under 
the patronage of their King and court and army, were 
busily establishing themselves along the waters of the St. 
Lawrence and the Mississippi, and by several routes con- 
necting the enormous basins of the greater North Ameri- 
can rivers. They first crossed to the Lakes high up the 
Mississippi, and later discovered the advantages of the 
Ohio and the Wabash, which they thought would serve their 
purpose. Therefore they ascended the Ohio, and reach- 
ing the shores of Lake Erie, found their true line of com- 
munication between the imperial masses of their posses- 
sions along the Allegheny River, which was then regarded 
as the Ohio, the Monongahela, having consideration only as 
the most important branch of the "beautiful river." The 
Indian tribes were stirred up from forts of the French 
who fortified positions in close relations along Lake On- 
tario and Lake Erie, and advancing constructed an im- 
portant fortification in what is now Erie county. Pa. They 
also had another place at Venango, where the Allegheny 
received a considerable affluent, and at this stage of the pro- 
ceedings. Major Washington, a member of the staff of 
Governor Dinwiddie, was sent with a letter challenging 
the French commandant in the Ohio country, on the sub- 
ject of his aggressions upon the land belonging to the 
King of England. On the way Washington passed the 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 



33 



Forks of the Ohio, before there had been a stick cut on 
the site of the city of Pittsburg, and when he returned one 
of the points of his report to the Governor was the ex- 
treme importance of that position. Governor Dinwiddie 
immediately began to organize to head off the French at 
that point, and Washington was the man selected to take 
command of the forces. There were great deficiencies, 
however, in the organization of the colonies, and when in 
the following spring he set forth, it was with insufficient 
forces; and the French were ahead of him, as he had re- 
ported they probably would be, unless the utmost speed of 
enterprise was reached in taking armed possession of the 
land. There followed the familiar story of Fort Duquesne 
and Braddock's defeat ; but more interesting is the fact 
that, with his little band, Washington moved resolutely into 
the wilderness, encountered the French, and reeardinof them 
as trespassers, ordered them fired upon, resulting in the death 
of a French officer, De Joinville. Thereupon Washington 
was forced to fortify himself, but was assailed by overwhelm- 
ing numbers, and on the night before the fourth of July, 
1753, he signed articles of capitulation as a prisoner of war. 
He it was who started the fight, and he it was who saw the 
French off, when the forces of England at last vindicated 
her reputation, the French abandoned the Forks of the 
Ohio, and the Indians sailed away in their canoes down the 
beautiful river, leaving the colonies north of the posts on 
the lower Mississippi to the English-speaking people for- 
ever. Thus it was, in the days of his youth, that George 
Washington put the American people in the saddle ; and 
the result was our national independence. 

We refer to the war that was opened between the 
French and the Virginians in 1754, as the Opening War of 
our Country. In a great historic sense it was so. The colo- 



34 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

nists had participated with the British in fighting the French 
and Indians at an earher period, but the affairs did not 
affect Continental relations. The colonists who took the 
field were not contending for dominion, only to maintain 
their frontiers, to beat the French and help the King of Eng- 
land ; but from 1754 they were in the war and fought for 
land to belong to themselves and their children and for 
Liberty. 

George Washington was, in 1751, appointed one of the 
four adjutant-generals of Virginia. Each was assigned to 
a military district of the colony, with the duty of organizing 
troops. The age of Washington was nineteen, his rank 
major, and he was attached to the staff of Governor Din- 
widdie, who, in October, 1753, commissioned him to find 
the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and 
deliver a letter to him demanding his retirement from the 
territories of the crown of Great Britain. Major Washing- 
ton, representing the Governor of Virginia and the King of 
England, set out from Williamsburg on the last day of the 
month, crossed the mountains, the headwaters of the Potomac 
and the Ohio, into the land where the rivers ran west and 
south. The French had invaded and were fortifying this 
country. The Virginian major bore the challenge of England 
to France, and was destined to begin in person, within eight 
months, the impending war. The prize contended for by 
the two most enlightened and powerful nations of the world 
was the valley of the Mississippi. It was the fortune of 
young Washington to be the foremost representative of the 
English race, in the irrepressible conflict for the richest 
regions of the North Temperate Zone. 

On the 14th of November he reached the house of Chris- 
topher Gist, on Will's Creek — the present site of the City 
of Cumberland. Christopher Gist was a frontier man of 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 



35 



intelligence and experience in the wilderness, and to him 
Washington delivered a letter from the Council of Virginia, 
requesting his attendance in the journey to the Post on the 
Ohio, where the French Commander-in-Chief could be 
located. 

In I 743 there had been published in Paris ** The History 
of New France," by Charlevoix. This work was reviewed 
in the "London Magazine," in 1747, under the head of 
" The French Settlements in North America." The re- 
viewer declared that in wars with France " the conquest or 
destruction of the French settlements in America ought to 
be our principal view." It appeared from the French history 
and map that they, " by means of their settlements in 
Canada and on the River Mississippi, have entirely sur- 
rounded our settlements upon the continent of North 
America, and thereby absolutely cut us off from all commu- 
nication with the natives of that vast continent, except the 
few that inhabit the country eastward of the Mississippi and 
the lakes of Canada ; and from this history it appears that 
they have now opened a communication, mostly by water- 
carriage, from the mouth of the river St. Lawrence, to the 
mouth of the Mississippi, and have, in a manner, taken pos- 
session of every one of the great lakes in North America, 
which are the largest in the known world." 

The author of " New France" had made a voyage by the 
lakes and rivers from Quebec to New Orleans, and it ap- 
peared to the reviewer, " that the French were much more 
artful and diligent than the English in making settlements 
among, and in gaining the affections of the Indians ; " and 
that one of their favorite methods was to push forward their 
priests, who made themselves agreeable and useful to the 
savages, and prepared the way with missions for forts. 

The French strength, in their struggle for the greater 



-5 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

and better part of the continent, was in their ability to cajole 
and employ the red men, and share with them the wilderness 
as a mysterious fortification. It was the English fashion at 
the time to complain of the superiority of the French as 
colonists. A letter from Virginia published in the " Lon- 
don Magazine" of 1747, declares: "With regard to the 
churchmen to be employed in America, the French infinitely 
excel us ; and even with regard to laymen, they are at more 
pains to find out such men as are proper for the business in 
which they are to be employed." 

The English and French were contesting the rich lands 
in North America a century and a half ago, as they are 
now assisting the expansive efforts of their colonists in 
Africa. To-day it is the vast regions between the Nile and 
the Niger and along their tributaries, instead of between 
the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi as in our ancient 
history. 

The surrounding of the English settlements by the French 
was what Englishmen most complained of, but their concern 
was rather for the good land of the future. The continent 
was not crowded with people. The population of the 
English colonies at this time was reported, partly by count, 
partly by estimate, at 1,428,000. The States north of the 
Potomac had 882,000 white inhabitants and 85,000 blacks ; 
south of the Potomac, 283,000 whites and 178,000 blacks. 
The Canadian French numbered less than 12,000. In 1688 
the French census for North America showed only 1 1,249. 
They, possessing the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, 
sought to connect those enormous continental channels by 
way of the Ohio and Lake Erie, and with the Indians on the 
great lakes and rivers, made wonderful voyages with canoes. 

M. du Quesne, Governor of Canada, early in 1753, 
detached M. Sieur de St. Pierre with a sufficient force to 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 39 

make a lodgement and to maintain his ground on the 
River Boeuf, or Beef River, till re-enforced, which St. Pierre 
performed ; and he built a fort upon the spot in honor of 
M. du Quesne." This fort was called " Le Boeuf" and 
was in Erie County, Pennsylvania, now Waterford, thir- 
teen miles from the town of Erie, near Le Boeuf Lake; 
and the famous French Creek of the same name has its 
head near Lake Chautauqua. 

There had been received in the colonies from the " back 
settlements " information of the aggression of the French, 
in building three forts on the Ohio. 

The Governor of Virginia wrote to the Governor of 
Pennsylvania, January 29, 1754, of "the return of the gent 
whom I sent by express to the French commandant, to 
know what steps the French were taking on the Ohio ; " 
and the Governor added that he "wrote to the colonies to 
the northward of this for their aid and assistance " in the 
emergency, and at once made preparations to prevent the 
French from fortifying the fork of the Ohio, the real 
importance of which was first made known by Major 
Washington in recording the result of his expedition. 

The letter the youthful Major bore to the French com- 
mandant was dated Williamsburg, October 31, 1753, and 
was a very explicit document, saying : " The lands upon the 
River Ohio, in the western part of the Colony of Virginia, 
are so notoriously known to be the property of the Crown of 
Great Britain, that it is a matter of equal concern and sur- 
prise to me, to hear that a body of French forces are erect- 
ing fortresses, and making settlements upon that river 
within His Majesty's Dominions." 

Major Washington's report of his first journey to the 
Ohio country, is a document remarkable for the literary 
faculty it declares, and no one can read it without a sense 
3 



40 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

of the manliness and modesty of " the gent, sent " by Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle. Such was the interest in Major Washing- 
ton's report that he was allowed but one day after his return 
to Williamsburg and the time for the Council's meeting, to 
" prepare and transcribe from the rough minutes " taken 
in his travels, the whole paper, and he apologized for ina- 
bility to correct the " diction " He did an extraordinarily 
good day's work as a reporter; and did not know his 
report would be published, until it had been printed. 
He concluded his exemplary explanation of his hasty 
work, saying the only thing that could commend it to 
the public was: "Those things which came under the 
notice of my own observation, I have been explicit and just 
in a recital of. Those which I have gathered from report, 
I have been particularly cautious not to augment, but col- 
lected the opinions of the several intelligencers, and selected 
from the whole the most probable and consistent account." 
There is in this a striking suggestion of the style of preci- 
sion, of the one man named with Washington as his rival in 
reputation — Abraham Lincoln. 

The journey of Major Washington, of which this record 
was made, began October 31, 1753. He arrived at Fred- 
ericksburg next day, and at Cumberland two weeks out. 

Excessive rain and vast quantities of snow caused delays, 
preventing their arrival at the place of Mr. Frazier, an 
hidian trader, at the mouth of Turtle Creek, on the Monon- 
gahela, and it was proposed to cross the Ohio (the Alle- 
gheny) at the fork. Here, in the original London pamphlet, 
a note says, "The Ohio and the Allegheny are the same 
river." The loan of a canoe to reach " the fork " was 
obtained, but Washington spent some time on the way, in 
the saddle, closely examining the rivers passing over the 
scene of the defeat of Braddock in i 755 — a year and a half 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 4 1 

later— and he studied with the eye of a surveyor and mili- 
tary man by nature, the " Land in the Fork," of which he 
said : " I think it extremely well situated for a fort, as it has 
the absolute command of both rivers." 

A race soon took place between the French and the 
English to occupy and fortify the fork of the Ohio— the 
English got the start, but were driven out, and the French 
enjoyed a brief triumphal occupation. It was Major Wash- 
ington who, when the land in the fork was wholly unoccu- 
pied, saw its advantages and urged it as above all others, 
the spot to fortify. 

No newspaper correspondent ever did more faithful 
work than George Washington did in reporting in his tent. 
November 25th, in the afternoon between three o'clock and 
dark, fifteen miles from the fork of the great river the 
French called the "Fair," and the group consisted of 
Washington, his interpreter Davidson, and the "Half 

King." 

There is the flavor of the individuals and races of the 
red men and the Frenchmen, in the speeches reported. 
We have the dignity of the Indian Chief, the vivacity of the 
French officer ; the aggression, the defiance, all this duly 
noted, and there is intelligence, particularly acceptable to 
military men. The Major also jotted down his conversa- 
tion with the " Half King " the matter concerned him thus : 

" He informed me that they, the French, had built two 
forts — one on Lake Erie and another on French Creek, 
near a small lake about fifteen miles yonder, and a large 
wagon road between ; they are both built after the same 
model, but different in size, that on the lake the largest. 
He gave me a plan of them, of his own drawing." 

The " Half King " desired to hold the country against the 
whites. He had already told the English of his intention. 



42 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

and claimed that " the Great Being above allowed the land 
to be a place of residence for the Indians. Our brethren, 
the English, have heard this, and I come now to tell it to 
you, for I am not afraid to discharge you off this land." 

The reply on behalf of France was severe. " My child," 
said the Frenchman, "you need not put yourself to the 
trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you," and " I am not 
afraid of Hies, or mosquitoes, for Indians are such as those. 
I tell you, down the river I will go, and will build upon it 
according to my command. If the river is blocked up, I 
have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my 
feet all who stand in opposition, together with their alliances ; 
for my force is as the sand upon the seashore. Therefore, 
here is your wampum. I fling it at you. Child, you talk 
foolish; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not 
the black of my nails of it yours." 

When Washington waited upon the commander, a knight 
of the military order of St. Louis, Legardeur de St. Pierre, 
an elderly gentleman, with much the air of a soldier, 
and who had commanded the fort only a week. The arrival 
of a Captain Reparti, " who understood a little English," 
was daily awaited, and Governor Dinwiddie's letter was 
read. Washington was asked to walk in with his inter- 
preter to hear and correct the construction of the Gover- 
nor's paper. The French held a council of war after mas- 
tering the Governor's letter, and while this was going on, 
the ever-watchful Major was studying the fort, " taking the 
dimensions," and " making what observations I could." The 
fort was on the south or west bank of French Creek, and 
nearly surrounded by it. There were eight six-pound can- 
non in each bastion, and one piece of four-pound before the 
gate, and " there are several barracks without the fort for 
the soldiers' dwelling ; covered some with bark, and some 



GETTING .INTO THE SADDLE. 



43 



with boards, made chiefly with logs. There are also several 
other houses, such as stables, smiths' shops, etc." 

The indefatigable nature of the Major's labors is seen in 
the pains he took to find how many men there were in the 
garrison, and he made them about one hundred, exclusive 
of the officers, " of whom there are many." The canoes 
were counted, and there were fifty of birch bark, and one 
hundred and seventy of pine, and " many others blocked 
out." This told the strength of the expedition to descend 
the river in the spring. The canoes were numbered by 
Washington's people acting under his orders, and the 
capacity and purpose of the canoe fleet were verified the 
next spring. 

The most specific statement Washington could gain of 
the strength of the French invading the Ohio country 
was that they had been 1,500 strong, but had been recalled, 
except the garrisons of four forts, about 150 to each, and 
he reported : 

" The first of these is at French Creek near a small lake, 
about sixty miles from Venango, near N. N. W. ; the next 
lies on Lake Erie where the greater part of their stores is 
kept, about fifteen miles from the other. From this it is 
1 20 miles to the carrying place, at the falls of Lake Erie, 
where there is a small fort which they lodge their goods at, 
in bringing them from Montreal, the place from whence all 
their stores come. The next fort lies about twenty miles 
from this on Oatario Lake." 

The trip from the fort on Lake Erie to Montreal, the 
French officers said, could be made in four weeks by large 
boats, and six weeks by canoes. The larger boats were 
used to cross Lake Erie, and their existence shows the skill 
and energy of the French in navigation. 

The reply of the French comjnander to the communica- 



44 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

tion from Governor Dinwiddie was received on the evening 
of the 1 6th, and next day the journal says, " the comman- 
dant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, provisions, etc., to 
be put on board our canoe, and appeared to be extremely 
complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice he could 
invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to prevent 
their going till after our departure. Presents, rewards, 
and everything which could be suggested by him or his 
fellow-officers — I can't say that ever in my life I suffered so 
much anxiety as I did in this affair. I saw that every strat- 
agem which the most fruitful brain could invent was prac- 
ticed to win the ' Half King ' to their interest, and that 
leaving him here was giving them the opportunity they 
aimed at." 

Washington was long detained by drunken Indians and 
his return was through terrible hardships. There was an 
attempt to assassinate him, and he was flung from a raft 
into the Allegheny when the river was flooded and loaded 
with ice. 

The Major was "in an Indian walking dress" — a "hunt- 
ing shirt" and leggings — and continued with the party for 
three days — but had to hasten forward " the nearest way 
through the woods on foot." It was a dreary time. The 
cold " increased " very fast ; the woods were becoming 
much worse with a deep snow, continually freezing. This 
was Christmas Day. The simplicity of the journal is very 
striking, and it Is the more to be regarded, for it is one of 
the rare occasions in which Washington spoke of himself. 
He says : " I took my necessary papers ; pulled off my 
clothes, and tied myself up in a watch coat. Then with gun 
in hand and pack at back, in which were my papers and 
provisions, I set out with Dr. Gist, fitted in the -same 
manner." 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 45 

Major Washington was for a time utterly alone, in a 
forest where his life had been attempted. He was dressed 
almost like an Indian, carrying pack and gun, resolutely 
walking all night and then all day, though footsore and ex- 
ceedingly fatigued, finding his way in the pathless and 
frozen woods by the compass, discovering a trail of pro- 
bably hostile Indians — parting with his one companion that 
they might evade their enemies if pursued, meeting again 
and keeping up their desperate pace, until they came to a 
place where they thought they were safe enough to sleep, 
and encamped. They were not disturbed through the long 
night and " set out early." 

On the first of January, 1 754, two months after setting out 
from Williamsburg, Washington says: "Tuesday, January 
I, we left Mr. Frazier's house, and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at 
Monongahela, the 2d, where I bought a horse, saddle, etc. 
The 6th we met seventeen horses loaded with materials 
and stores for a fort at the forks of the Ohio, and the day 
after, some families going out to settle." They were the 
advance guard of an ill-fated expedition. This day Will's 
Creek (Cumberland on the Potomac) was reached, and on 
the I ith Belvoir, the seat of the Fairfax family, where there 
occurs this line in the journal : " I stopped one day to take 
necessary rest." 

The arrival at Williamsburg was on the i6th, and Major 
Washington " waited upon His Honor the Governor, with 
the letter I had brought from the French commandant; 
and to give an account of the success of my proceedings." 
The report was at once written up and submitted, and hop- 
ing the Governor was satisfied with his conduct, the Major 
subscribed himself " With infinite pleasure, George Wash- 
ington," and in the phrase " infinite pleasure " is the only 
touch of the extravagance of youth in the wonderfully clear 



^5 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

and forcible account of a journey that was o. extreme 
hardship and various imminent dangers, of great pubHc 
utiHty, and finally of international influence. 

The Governor, after reading the French commandant's 
letter, at once began preparing for a military expedition, in 
the spring, to capture the fork of the Ohio. It was the eye 
of Washington that had found the commanding military 
and commercial importance of the site of Pittsburg. 

The journal of his first Western travel is by far the most 
important of Washington's early writings. It is crowded 
with business intelligence, not a point missed, and is the 
indubitable evidence of the uncommon manner in which, 
through the most trying experiences, he won in his youth an 
exceptional and glorious reputation, spreading his name 
through the colonies as one in whom absolute confidence 
could be reposed, becoming, through devoted bravery and 
good conduct, the most distinguished and promising young 
man in Virginia. Under the hardest tests, his extraordinary 
excellence was thus early made manifest. No men could 
have been better qualified than the Virginians of that day 
to understand his admirable merit, his courage indomitable, 
and judgment unfailing ; and he had by his fearless and in- 
telligent devotion, deeply impressed the leading men of the 
commonwealth, and took his place then and forever as a 
leader and a hero. 

His keen eyes had searched, and his hand recorded the 
secrets of the enemies of Virginia and England. His 
sagacity guided him through the most desperate hazards, 
followed, without faltering, the line of duty, and had saved 
his life for the coming time. His return to the seat of 
government of the colony, having placed him by the sur- 
prisingly thorough accomplishment of his mission, among 
the first citizens who had served the State, was a month 



GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 47 

before his twenty-second birthday. The letter he bore to 
the Governor of Virginia was in stately form and high spirit 
justifying the description Washington gives of the soldierly 
bearing of the writer, who clearly had an adequate sense 
of the importance of his position — that of commanding the 
advanced guard of his nation — in asserting authority over 
the richest land of the continent ; and the paper was one 
which it was fitting should be in charge of the messenger, 
whose fortune it was to be first to inform the English and 
their colonies, from personal observation, of the exact state 
of French aggression, pushing to completion their chain of 
fortresses, to draw a boundary that British enterprise could 
never pass on the ridges of the Alleghenies. 

The prize for the victor was the possession of a region 
exceeding Europe in resources, and it was Major Wash- 
ington who led, in the year following, the first military 
expedition against the centre of the French line, extending 
from Quebec to New Orleans ; and under the orders of 
this young gentleman, the first blood was shed in the war 
that, after many vicissitudes, ended the ambitious scheme 
of French dominion, and confirmed to Virginia her imperial 
territory, yet leaving Louisiana with a more magnificent 
inheritance even than that Virginia held and gave away. 

Napoleon, the master of France, sold this truly imperial 
possession to the country of Washington, because the 
French were unequal to the defence of New Orleans 
against the sea power of the English. The task and 
triumph won the empire beyond the Mississippi, and the 
defence of Louisiana against Great Britain was transmitted 
to another generation and race, and accomplished by 
another hero, Andrew Jackson. 

The French commandant at Fort Le Boeuf comes down 
to us a not unpleasing personage — a knightly figure, court- 



^8 GETTING INTO THE SADDLE. 

eous and haughty, and his romantic name will be known 
through the centuries, because he met in his wooden fort, 
in a wintry wilderness, on a litde river, alternately flooded 
and frozen, the young Virginian, whom he received with a 
distinction suitable, as he said, to the dignity of the Gover- 
nor of Virginia and the " quality and great merit " of the 
young man himself. 

It would have seemed a fantastic dream to the old officer, 
exiled in duty so far from Paris, and from all it seemed 
possible could become memorable, if he had beheld in a 
vision that immortality had been conferred upon him, not 
by his King, or any honors France could bestow, or glory 
he should gain in toilsome services, but through the 
presence of an enemy's emissary whose appointed destiny 
it was to lead the advanced guard of the colonists in finally 
conquering for the English race " the fair River Ohio," and 
the fruitful lands it watered. 

Still more strange it would have seemed, to have revealed 
in the mist of fancy a glimpse of the fated field on the 
Monongahela, where George Washington was the hero of 
the fight, relieving, by his valor, the gloom of a day of dis- 
aster ; and how impossible it would have been to imagine 
that after the French lost the key to the country, and 
floated in their barges discomfited down the river whose 
beauty they had celebrated, that glittering regiments from 
France should, in alliance with the picturesque Continentals, 
under George Washington, march from the Hudson to the 
capes of Virginia, to force the surrender of his Britannic 
Majesty's army at Yorktown,— the war that deprived Eng- 
land of her original American colonies, and the greatest of 
her conquests from the French — the Mississippi Valley. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

George Rogers Clark the Winner of the Title for the United States of the 
Northwestern Territory, Preparing the Way for the Louisiana Purchase 
— His Slender Means and Vast Achievements — He Captures Kaskaskia 
and Vincennes — His Wonderful Wading March in the Wabash Flood — 
He Died a Poor Man, but one of the Immortals. 

The name of George Rogers Clark should always be re- 
membered as of one who contributed, by acts of almost 
incredible bravery and hardihood, to broadening the foun- 
dations of this Great Republic. His fame should be asso- 
ciated with that of George Washington, as one who was 
engaged in heroic enterprise to secure good land for the 
people of the States destined to expand as the course of 
empire took its way westward, even to the shores of the 
Pacific. Washington was the foremost man in fighting the 
French from their Ohio lines, and Clark was the leader who, 
as our Revolutionary war drew to a close, secured, by cap- 
turing British posts, a title that finally could not be ignored 
in the treaty with England, and at last defined the territory 
of the United States, to extend beyond the Alleghenies. 
The Northwest was conquered from the British by Clark. 
That was the deed of empire. 

George Rogers Clark was a native of the prolific county 
of Albemarle, Virginia, a neighbor and friend of Thomas 
Jefferson. He emigrated to Kentucky, when that great State 
was a county of the State of Virginia. The treaty that 
closed the war of the Revolution was made in 1783, but 
the final adjustments were not fixed for several years. 
Mary Cone, in the ** Magazine of Western History," cites a 

49 



50 7^HE HANNFBAL OF THE WEST. 

remarkable chapter of our history, in which we came near 
giving up the Northwest and the Mississippi Valley to the 
British, in these terms : 

" When France entered into an alliance with the United 
States, one of the conditions of the treaty was that peace 
with England should not be made by that government 
until the independence of the United States, in all its 
entirety, should be acknowledged by Great Britain. By 
this compact the nation was bound, so that the question as 
to what territory was actually in possession of the United 
States when hostilities ceased was one of prime importance, 
and the answer to it must determine the line of action, at 
least, for France. 

" The territory beyond the disputed line was readily dis- 
posed of England gave up the Floridas to Spain. France 
relinquished all claim to its once splendid domain, and 
accepted, instead thereof, the Bermudas, England retained 
the extended territory in the north. But neither of the 
three great powers, that had taken the adjustment of 
matters into their hands, showed much generosity toward 
the United States. Differing in many things, they agreed 
in wishing to prevent the expansion of the new country 
toward the west. There was at first an attempt to make 
the Alleghenies a cordon to bind them in, and prevent 
growth in that direction. The utmost liberality of the triple 
governments sufficed only to grant the Ohio river for the 
western boundary. Neither of the nations cared very 
much who should have the vast territory lying to the west- 
ward, so that the United States did not have it. If it could 
be saved from the grasp of the young nation, that had 
already given proof of will to purpose, and energy to per- 
form, after-consideration might determine what disposition 
should be made of it. 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 



51 



" The commissioners from the United States were Benja- 
min Franklin, John Adams and John Jay. Monsieur Vergen- 
nes, the able minister of Louis XIV., so argued the case 
with Dr. Franklin, and so presented the difficulty, if not 
impossibility, of securing peace on any better terms than 
making the Ohio river the boundary, that, fearing to lose 
the whole by trying to grasp too much, he was finally 
induced to agree to accept that condition, rather than run 
the risk of renewing the war by demanding more territory. 
John Jay also was persuaded to consent to the same, 
though he yielded with much reluctance. There remained 
only John Adams to be won over to that view of the case. 
But he, with far-seeing eye, saw that a great nation could 
not be built up on the Atlantic coast, if severed from the 
Mississippi and the west. To him it seemed the manifest 
purpose and intent of Providence that, in the lap of this 
continent, there should be a mighty nation between the 
eastern and western extremities, of which the Mississippi 
should be the bond of union. There could be no great 
compact and powerful government that did not own and 
control the great Father of Rivers, which, taking up the 
waters shed by the Alleghenies on the east, and holding 
them in his hands, while he gathers together the drainage 
of the Rocky Mountains on the west, goes on his way with 
the commingled flood, till he pours the whole into the great 
ocean ; and to the prophetic eye there could be seen to go 
on the surface of the flood the commerce of a great nation, 
that owned and governed the whole — the offering of a free 
people to the welfare and business of the world. It was 
plain to see that a nation that would be great must hold 
the Mississippi and its tributaries in its possession. When, 
therefore, the proposition was made to him to fall short of 
this goal, and take the Ohio river for his country's bound- 



52 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

ary, and thereby relinquish all right to the magnificent 
domain lying to the westward, sturdy John Adams said : 
' No ! never ! ' and he declared that, sooner than agree to 
such terms, he would go home and exhort his countrymen 
to buckle on their swords again and load their guns anew, 
and fight till there was no more blood to be poured out, or 
until their just demands were agreed to. 

" Yet his remonstrance and opposition would not have 
availed had not the claim to territory west of the Ohio, on 
the part of the United States, been based upon a show of 
right. The guarantee of France enabled the commissioners 
to claim from Great Britain not only all the territory pos- 
sessed by right of purchase or treaty before the war, but 
also all that had been conquered during the war. That, at 
the commencement of hostilities, the colonies did not pos- 
sess a rood of land, not an outpost or a fort west of the 
Ohio, was admitted by all the parties concerned ; and, but 
for the courage and enterprise of a brave and able man, 
with a mere handful of men as brave as himself, there 
would not have been the shadow of a foundation upon 
which to base a claim of conquest during the war." 

This brave and able man was Geo. Rogers Clark. Ban- 
croft said, as he proposed to record the enterprise of Clark, 
that " the valor of its actors, their fidelity to one another, 
and the seeming feebleness of their means and the great 
results of their hardihood, remain forever memorable in 
the history of the world." During the Revolutionary war, 
the west was much neglected, and there was a great deal 
of opinion to the effect that the country would be better 
off without the west — more homogeneous and easily self- 
governed. 

George Rogers Clark loved land as Washington did, and 
marked it not for himself, though all the pay he got was 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 



53 



land and much depreciated paper money, as for the people. 
He was in his youth, as Washington was, a surveyor, and 
was thus educated for dominion in the wilderness. He 
distincruished himself in war ag-ainst French and Indians, 
and was offered a commission in the British army. He 
appeared in Kentucky in 1774, twenty-two years of age, 
and became a permanent resident two years later. The 
gifted historical writer Mary Cone says of him : 

" He was a born leader, and could not anywhere, and 
under any circumstances, have been kept in the back- 
ground. Of fine appearance and commanding presence, 
he so impressed those with whom he came in contact with 
his superiority, that its recognition was prompt and sincere. 
Yet he was genial and heartsome to such an extent that it 
was a willing obeisance he gained from the hearts of his 
fellow-men. The first office of trust to which he was chosen 
was that of representative of the county of Kentucky in 
the House of Burgesses in Virginia. It was the first time 
the district had been represented in the body by which it 
was governed. He and one Gabriel Jones, the other rep- 
resentative, set out together for the capital of Virginia, but 
their progress was so slow, and their journey so long, that 
the legislature had adjourned before they reached Wil- 
liamsburg, the seat of government. Determined to be of 
use to the county he had been chosen to represent, Clark 
waited upon the governor, the celebrated Patrick Henry, 
and after stating the necessities and exposed condition of 
the people of Kentucky, asked for a supply of gunpowder 
to help them in defending their homes against the attack of 
the Indians. It was not until after much entreaty and skill- 
ful manoeuvering that he succeeded in obtaining from the 
council an order for the needed supply. The trouble was 
not over then. He incurred great risk and encountered 



54 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

numerous difficulties in getting the gunpowder to Ken- 
tucky." 

This was the beginning of Clark's great achievements. 
The British were in possession, at this time, of important 
posts ceded to them by France in 1765. Kaskaskia, Vin- 
cennes, called St. Vincents, and Detroit, were held by British 
garrisons, Kaskaskia was the capital of Illinois, called by 
the French Upper Louisiana, and was settled in 1683. I" 
1777 Kaskaskia had two hundred and fifty houses, and the 
inhabitants were French. Vincennes, one hundred and 
fifty miles above the mouth of the Wabash, was called by 
the English, Sackville. The place was named by the 
French for Francois Morgan de Vincenne, who commanded 
the post in 1733. Detroit was an old French town that 
had fallen into the hands of the English along with the 
rest of the spoil of France. These places were depots for 
arming the savages, and there was a trade in scalps. The 
policy of the English was to confederate the Indian tribes, 
and use them to strike the revolted colonies along the 
Atlantic, in the rear. It was the great merit of Clark to 
understand the situation, both as soldier and statesman. 
He saw all the circumstances, generalized facts, and studied 
out conclusions. He made particular note of the fact that 
the military posts of the British were in French towns, 
and that the French might render him assistance as against 
the British. There was some Indian dissatisfaction with 
the British, especially in the Delaware and Shawnee tribes. 
Clark kept his plans secret and sent two young men in the 
summer of 1777 to examine the British posts. Their 
report was so encouraging that he set out at once for 
Williamsburg to get aid from Virginia. The surrender of 
Burgoyne, while he was making the journey, caused him 
to be listened to. In November Clark stated his plans to 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 57 

Governor Henry. As secrecy had to be observed, the 
legislature could not be taken into confidence. Clark 
wanted five hundred men. Amon^ those trusted with the 
secret were Thomas Jefferson, George Mason and George 
Wythe. Clark believed in hims(;lf so much that they be- 
lieved in him. The governor promoted Clark to a col- 
onelcy, and he received January 2, 1778, two sets of in- 
structions, the one for show, the other for use, twelve 
hundred pounds in degenerate currency and th(; [privilege 
of enlisting his men anywhere west of the Alleghenies. 
He also received a guarantee that these men would use 
their best endeavors to secure a grant of three hundred 
acres of land to every man who enlisted in the undertak- 
ing. The governor addressed orders to a Virginia officer 
at Fort Pitt, desiring him to furnish ammunition, Vxjats and 
all necessary equipments. The secret orders which Colonel 
Clark received from Governor Henry closed with these 
words : 

"The corps you are to command are to receive the pay 
and allowance of militia. , . . It is in contemplation to 
establish a fort near the mouth of Ohio. Cannon will be 
wanted to fortify it. Part of those at Kaskaskia will be 
easily brought thither or otherwise secured as circumstances 
will make necessary. You are to apply to General Hand, 
at Pittsburg, for powder and lead necessary for this expedi- 
tion. If he can't supply it, the person who has that which 
Captain Lynn brought from New Orleans can. Lead was 
sent to Hampshire by my orders that it may be delivered 
to you. Wishing you success, 

" I am, sir, your humble servant, 

" P. Henry." 

As Clark could not make public explanation of his pur- 

4 



58 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 



poses, and was supposed to be raising troops to protect 
Kentucky, recruiting was slow. He had expected to find 
all the men wanted at Fort Pitt, but got only one hundred. 
He sent agents to Kentucky, got a few additional adven- 
turers on the way, and while descending the Ohio heard of 
the French alliance. He knew as Cone, the historian, says : 

"As the forts he intended to attack and take, if possible, 
were in a territory occupied mainly by French inhabitants, 
it would go far toward securing their good will, and ulti- 
mately their assistance, to be able to assure them that the 
King of France and the government of France were 
friends to his cause and enemies to the alien garrison to 
which they were already none too friendly. The voyage 
down the river was successfully accomplished and the falls 
of the Ohio reached in safety. The troops were landed on 
Corn Island, opposite Louisville, and Colonel Clark pro- 
ceeded to fortify the island that he might, with the hope of 
safety, leave there the families that had come with him from 
Pennsylvania. 

" The time had at last come when he might and ought to 
reveal to his men the important secret that concerned them 
so nearly. Colonel Clark assembled his troops, and in a 
few stirring words made known to them the real object of 
the expedition. It was not to defend Kentucky that they 
had been mustered in, but to take the offensive and dis- 
lodge the British from the forts which they were making 
the centres of supplies for the Indians, and from whence 
these savages were sent out to murder defenceless women 
and helpless children, and burn and torment every living 
thing that fell into their hands. The announcement was 
received with shouts of applause." 

One company fell out of line, however. Some Tennes- 
seeans failed to appear, and on the 24th of June Clark 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 59 

Started with four small companies, all told one hundred 
and fifty men. Each man carried his own baggage. The 
first thinp- was to take Kaskaskia. The boats were rushed 
down the Ohio, and in four days were at the mouth 
of the Tennessee. A boat with hunters eight days out from 
Kaskaskia was captured, and the news was encouraging. 
The distance overland was about 100 miles. Of Colonel 
Clark it is said : "He fared no better in any way than his 
men ; carried his own knapsack and gun, bore his full share 
in every hardship, and with story and song tried to interest 
and amuse his men." 

There were fifty miles of rough country and fifty of prai- 
ries, very swampy. July 4th Kaskaskia was in sight. 
Boats were found a mile from the fort, the men crossed, 
and Clark's journal says : " I immediately divided my little 
army into two divisions, ordered one to surround the town 
and with the other broke into the fort and secured the 
governor, M. Rocheblame. In fifteen minutes we had every 
street secured and the garrison, with their commandant, 
prisoners. ... I sent runners through the town ordering 
the people on pain of death to keep close in their houses. 
. . . Before daylight we had the whole town disarmed." 

The English were in superior force. Colonel Clark's 
success was due to the secrecy of his expedition. He began 
to work at once upon the fears and jealousies of the French. 
He had the chief men of the town collected, and, after ex- 
plaining to them the causes of the war between Great 
Britain and her colonies, told them that though the fate 
of war had placed them in his hands, it was the custom of 
the Americans to make those whom they captured free. If 
they were already wearing shackles they were knocked off. 
They had been reduced to subjection by the English. The 
king of France, their king, was the friend of the Americans. 



6o THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

He had promised to help them in their fight with the Brit- 
ish. Therefore Frenchmen everywhere were regarded as 
brothers by the Americans. They were now free to choose. 
If they preferred to join the British, the enemy of France 
as well as America, they could do so. But if they chose to 
take the oath of allegiance and become American citizens, 
they might do that, and they should be entitled to all the 
rights of citizenship. The reply was that they would be 
the happiest people in the world if they might be allowed 
to unite with the Americans. Their priest, Pierre Gibault, 
had recently come from Canada, where he had heard the 
causes of the war discussed, and knew the merits of the 
case. He was already in favor of the American cause, and 
worked zealously to bring his people over to his views. 
They wanted permission to meet in their church, and were 
told to do so as often as they pleased, and they became 
devoted to Clark and his cause. Many of the Indians 
became converted to the American cause. His next ob- 
jective point was Fort St. Vincent ; but his force was so 
small it was necessary to keep it concealed except to the 
guards. Re-enforcements were promised, but they came 
not. The Kaskaskia priest visited Vincennes and reported 
favorably of the disposition of the people. Clark sent a pro- 
clamation to the people about the fort. Captain Helm 
accompanied the priest. The commandant of the fort was ab- 
sent at Detroit, feeling perfectly secure. The people trans- 
ferred their allegiance, and Captain Helm took posses- 
sion. Suddenly the British came down the Wabash eight hun- 
dred strong under General Hamilton and retook Vincennes. 
There were two men in the garrison when it surrendered ; 
Captain Helm and one private. 

"When the attack began Captain Helm placed a cannon 
in the open gate of the fort, which was charged by the 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST 6 1 

soldier, a man named Henry, while Captain Helm stood by 
with a lighted torch ready to touch it off. When Governor 
Hamilton and his troops were within hailing distance, 
Captain Helm cried ' Halt ! ' The governor demanded 
the surrender of the garrison. Captain Helm declared 
with an oath that no man should enter until he knew the 
terms demanded. The answer was, ' You shall have the 
honors of war.' The conditions were accepted, and the 
garrison surrendered with its entire force, — one officer and 
one private." Hamilton was reported on the march to 
retake Kaskaskia, but he did not come. There was a story 
that an expedition had started from Pittsburg to capture 
Detroit, and Clark was elated, but his information was 
untrue. He concluded that his safe course was to take 
the offensive, because if he could not take Hamilton, 
Hamilton would take him. It was midwinter and Ham- 
ilton proposed an early spring campaign. Col. Clark 
says : 

'T collected the officers and told them the possibility I 
thought there was of turning the scale in our favor. They 
were all eager for the undertaking and all hands set about 
getting ready for an enterprise that to the eye of cool, cal- 
culating persons would have appeared not only hazardous, 
but foolhardy." 

As many recruits as possible were gathered from among 
the French. The women took a warm interest in the 
movement and presented standards to the different com- 
panies and cheered and encouraged the men. A large 
boat was prepared which mounted two four-pounders and 
four large swivels ; an abundant supply of provisions was 
put on board. The boat was called "The Willing" and 
Lieutenant Rogers in command. He had on board only 
forty-six men ; but few as there were of them, there was 



62 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

enough courage and energy among them to have supplied 
a ship of war. This boat was to follow the Kaskaskia 
river into the Mississippi, go down that to the Ohio, and 
up the Ohio till the mouth of the Wabash was reached. 
The Wabash would bring it to St. Vincent's, it was hoped, 
in time to meet the force that was to go across the country, 
and co-operate with them in taking the fort. 

Colonel Clark started on the 5th of February, 1778, 
He says : 

"I cannot account for it, but I still had an inward assur- 
ance of success, and never could, when weighing every- 
thing, doubt it. But I had some inward check." 

The distance to be traversed was 250 miles. The force 
numbered 1 70. The enemy had about 680. Major Bow- 
man, with Clark, kept a journal : 

" February 7. — Began our march early ; made a good 
march for about nine hours ; the roads very bad with mud 
and water. 

"8th. — March early through the waters, which we now 
begin to meet in these large and level plains, where, from 
the flatness of the country, the water rests for a considera- 
ble time before it drains off. Notwithstanding which, our 
men were in great spirits, though much fatigued. 

"13th. — Arrived at the two Wabashes. Although a 
league asunder, they now make but one. We set to 
making a canoe. 

• "14th. — Finished the canoe and put it into the river 
about four in the afternoon. 

"15th. — Ferried across the Wabashes (now known as 
the Little Wabash and Muddy rivers), it being then five 
miles in water to the opposite hills, where we encamped. 
Still raining. Orders not to fire any guns in future but in 
case of necessity. 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 63 

" i6th. — Marched all day through mud and water ; our 
provisions begin to be short. 

" 17th. — Marched very early ; crossed several runs very 
deep. Sent Mr. Kennedy, our commissary, with three 
men to cross the river Embarrass, if possible, and proceed 
to a plantation opposite Post St. Vincent's, in order to steal 
boats or canoes to ferry us across the Wabash. Found the 
country all overflowed with water. We strove to find the 
Wabash. Traveled till eight o'clock in mud and water, but 
could find no place to encamp upon. Still kept marching on, 
but after some time Mr. Kennedy and his party returned — 
found it impossible to cross the river Embarrass. We found 
the water falling from a small spot of ground. Stayed there 
the remainder of the night. Drizzly and dark weather. 

" 1 8th. — At break of day heard Governor Hamilton's 
morning gun. Set off and marched down the river. Saw 
some fine land. About two o'clock came to the bank of 
the Wabash ; made rafts for four men to cross and go up 
town and steal boats. But they spent all day and night in 
the water to no purpose, for there was not one foot of dry 
land to be found." In the closing paragraph of his journal, 
on the eighteenth, Major Bowman says : " No provisions 
now for two days. Hard fortune." 

" 20th. — Camp very quiet but hungry. Some almost in 
despair. 

"2 2d. — Colonel Clark encourages his men, which gives 
them great spirits. Marched on in the waters. Those 
that were weak and famished with so much fatiofue, went in 
the canoes. . . . No provisions yet. Lord help us ! 

"23d. — Set off to cross the plain called Horseshoe plain, 
about four miles long, all covered with water breast high. 
Here we expected some of our brave men must certainly 
perish, having froze in the night and so long fasting." 



64 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

Colonel Clark writes of this dreadful time : 
"This last day's march through the water was superior 
to anything the Frenchmen had any idea of ... A canoe 
was sent off and returned without finding that we could 
pass. I went in her myself and sounded the water, and 
found ic deep as to my neck. I returned with the design 
to have the men transported on board the canoes to the 
sugar camp, which I knew would spend the whole day and 
ensuing night, as the vessels would pass slowly through 
the bushes. The loss of so much time to men half-starved 
was a matter of consequence. I would have given a great 
deal now for a day's provisions or for one of our horses. 
I returned but slowly to the troops, giving myself time to 
think. On our arrival all ran to hear our report. Every 
eye was fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke in a serious 
manner to one of the officers. The whole were alarmed 
without knowing what I said. I viewed their confusion for 
about one minute, whispered to those near me to do as I 
did, immediately put some water in my hand, poured in 
powder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, marched 
into the water without saying a word. The party gazed, 
fell in one after another without saying a word, Hke a flock 
of sheep. I ordered the men near me to give a favorite 
song of theirs. It soon passed through the line and the 
whole went on cheerfully. . . . They reached a sugar camp 
in which there was about half an acre of dry ground. 
Hungry and weary, the men lay down there and slept till 
morning. The most of the weather we had on our march 
was moist and warm for the season. This was the coldest 
night we had. The ice in the morning was from one-half to 
three-quarters of an inch thick near the shores and in still 
water. A little after sunrise I lectured the whole. I con- 
cluded by informing them that passing the plain that was 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 



65 



in full view, and reaching the opposite woods, would put 
an end to their fatigue, and immediately stepped into the 
water. A huzza took place. As we generally marched 
through the water in a line, before the third entered I halted 
and called to Major Bowman, ordering him to put to death 
any man who refused to march, as we wished to have no 
such person among us. The whole gave a cry of appro- 
bation and on we went. This was the most trying of all 
the difficulties we had experienced. 

" I generally kept fifteen or twenty of the strongest men 
near myself, and judged from my own feelings what must be 
those of the others. Getting about the middle of the plain, 
the water about mid-deep, I found myself sensibly failing, 
and as there were no trees or bushes for the men to sup- 
port themselves, I feared that many of the most weak would 
be drowned. I ordered the canoes to make the land, dis- 
charge their loading, and ply backward and forward with 
all diligence and pick up the men, and to encourage the 
party, sent some of the men forward, with orders, when 
they got to a certain distance, to pass the word back that 
the water was getting shallower, and when getting near 
the woods to cry out 'land.' This stratagem had the 
desired effect. The men, encouraged by it, exerted them- 
selves almost beyond their abilities — the weak holding by 
the stronger. Getting to the woods, where the men ex- 
pected land, the water was up to my shoulders, but gain- 
ing the woods was of great consequence. All the low 
men and weakly hung to the trees and floated on all old 
logs until they were taken off by the canoes. The tall and 
strong got ashore and built fires. Many would reach the 
shore and fall with their bodies half in the water, not beino- 
able to support themselves without it." 

Colonel Clark's expedition was in a forlorn state when 



56 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

Vincennes was approached. The armed boat with fifty 
men and provisions did not come. There was no food, and 
the march had been exhausting and distressing. A young 
PVenchman out shooting ducks was taken prisoner, and 
stated the fort was finished, and there were six hundred 
men to defend it. There was one gleam of encour- 
agement, the fact that the French were the friends of 
the Americans, and there was no thought that Clark would 
venture on a winter campaign. The case was desperate. 
An Indian canoe loaded with supplies was captured and 
starvation averted. Clark wrote a letter to the inhabitants 
of the town saying that he would take it, and they should 
remain in their houses. He then moved in full sight of the 
fort, over uneven ground, and took advantage of the hills 
to deceive the enemy as to his strength. The history of 
the manoeuver is given by Cone as follows : 

"When Clark was enlisting his men in Illinois, flags had 
been given generally by ladies to each of the small bodies 
of troops gathered in the towns and villages. These were 
hung out to the wind on this occasion, and were enough 
for a thousand men. By marching and counter-marching 
through the ravine and over the elevations in the view of 
the garrison, these men seemed to be tenfold more in num- 
ber than they really were." 

After three days' skirmishing Clark demanded the sur- 
render of the fort, and being refused, made so vigorous 
an attack that Governor Hamilton asked for an interview. 
Clark was so resolute and exacting that he imposed upon 
Hamilton, who, intimidated, agreed to surrender on these 
terms. 

1st. — Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton eneao-es to deliver 
up to Colonel Clark Fort Sackville as it is at present, with 
all its stockade, etc. 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. ^y 

2d. — ^The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners 
of war, and march out with their arms and accoutrements, etc. 

At ten o'clock on the 25th of F'ebruary Colonel Hamilton 
surrendered the fort, the sentries were relieved, the tri- 
colored flag soon waved from the tower of the garrison and 
thirteen guns were fired to celebrate the victory. Two 
days after the surrender the armed batteau arrived. It 
was estimated that the stores surrendered were worth $50,- 
000. Hamilton was sent to Virginia, imprisoned and 
treated as a felon, for he had been engaged in "buying 
hair," that is, scalps taken by the Indians. Washington 
at last decided to have Hamilton treated as a prisoner of 
war. Colonel Clark's personal ascendancy alone seems to 
account for the surrender of six hundred men in a well- 
furnished fort to less than two hundred. He was ambi- 
tious to take Detroit, but the paper money given him to 
defray expenses depreciated so that he had to use his 
personal credit, and was disabled and impoverished. He 
was, after two years, made a brigadier-general and ordered 
to raise men to capture Detroit, but failed, for he had to 
fight Indians with the troops he succeeded in raising. This 
was in 1781. Misfortunes crowded upon him, and it seemed 
that having, with slender forces, done wonderful things, 
establishing the title of his country to an empire, his per- 
sonal force declined, and, that made manifest, he became a 
dreamer of vague triumphs rather than an actor who real- 
ized ambitious hopes. Virginia granted, in 1781, "one 
hundred and fifty thousand acres of land to the officers and 
soldiers who aided General Clark in his enterprise, the 
land to be located between the Scioto and Little Miami 
rivers, which tract was reserved for that purpose when 
Virginia relinquished to the general government her claims 
to territory west of the Ohio." 



58 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

Robert E. Coleman, writing in " Harper's Magazine," in 
1 86 1, quotes Governor Harrison writing to Colonel Clark 
July 3d, 1783 : 

"The conclusion of the war and the distressed condition 
of the finances of the State call on us to adopt the most 
prudent economy. It is for this reason alone that I have 
come to the determination to give over, for the present, all 
thought of carrying on offensive war with the Indians, 
which, you will easily perceive, will render necessary the 
employment of a general officer in that quarter, and will 
therefore consider yourself out of command. But before I 
take leave I feel called upon, in the most forcible manner, 
to return you my thanks, and those of my council, for the 
very great and singular services you have rendered to your 
country by wresting so great and extensive a country out 
of the hands of the British enemy, repelling the attacks of 
their savage allies, and carrying on a successful war in the 
very heart of their country. This tribute of thanks and 
praise, so justly your due, I am happy to communicate to 
you as the united voice of the Executive," etc. 

Colonel Clark was given a tract of land in Indiana, oppo- 
site Louisville. Coleman says of the close of Clark's 
career : " His day of glory was over, and his career finished 
at an age when that of many has but just begun, and at 
thirty-one he was laid aside like a superannuated veteran. 
The very prime of that powerful and active genius was lost 
to his country, as well as to his own fame, and left to rust 
away in obscurity ; or, sadder still, to destroy itself by seek- 
ing a forbidden relief from vain longing and repinings, 
while war was raging along the whole frontier, from Lake 
Huron to the confines of Florida ; and when at times it 
appeared as if the misdirected power of the whole conti- 
nent combined would fail to hold that country which he, 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 69 

with a mere handful of men, had wrested from the hands of 
the EngHsh. 

" At last, so inefficient was the protection afforded by 
the regular army, and so audacious had the attacks of the 
savages on the Ohio become, that the Kentuckians thought 
it once more necessary to take their defence into their own 
hands. After three years of retirement Clark was again 
called to take command of an expedition against the 
tribes in Indiana. But he was no longer the leader who 
had waded the flooded Wabash to recapture Vincennes, 
and whose swift blows had so promptly avenged the fall of 
Ruddell's Station, or the defeat of the Blue Licks. The 
army, numbering about twelve hundred men, marched from 
the falls in the summer of 1 786 toward Vincennes, expect- 
ing to meet at that point their provisions, which had been 
placed on keel-boats to be transported up the Wabash. 
But it soon became evident that the General no longer 
possessed that absolute ascendancy over his soldiers which 
had rendered his former operations so marvellously rapid 
and energetic. A spirit of defiance among the superior 
officers, and of disaffection and insubordination among the 
men, quickly began to manifest itself. This was increased 
to absolute mutiny when it was discovered that the com- 
mander had sent a flag of truce to the enemy for the pur- 
pose of demanding whether they would have peace or war. 
This act, which at once destroyed all chance of effecting a 
surprise, would appear, at first sight, to indicate a state of 
mind bordering on fatuity. But it is all explained when we 
learn that the whole enterprise was unlawful, as Kentucky 
had no right to send, without the authority of the Federal 
Government, such an expedition against tribes living be- 
yond her own borders ; tribes, too, with whom Clark him- 
self had, as United States Commissioner, negotiated a 



jQ THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

treaty of peace only one year before, and he was naturally 
unwilling to make an unannounced attack upon people who 
had never been proved to have violated that treaty. His 
error was in accepting the command at all under these 
circumstances," 

The expedition ended in the mutiny and dispersion of 
the force. Coleman says : 

"This failure gave a blow to the reputation of Clark 
from which it never recovered. Yet no vital error can be 
discovered in his conduct, and had his advice been followed 
success would have been certain. In vigor or generalship 
we can see no diminution ; it was his ability to command 
obedience that was gone." 

Colonel Clark had a fault to commit. He was one of 
those captivated by the French Minister Genet, and under- 
took to raise troops in Kentucky to go against the Span- 
iards in Louisiana, and accepted a position as Major-Gen- 
eral in the French army. This proved fictitious. Genet 
lost his head and left the country under a cloud. Wilkin- 
son intrigued against Clark and wrote (Coleman's account) 
"exultingly, to a friend in Lexington, 'The sun of General 
Clark's military glory has set never more to rise ! ' 'There 
was,' says a contemporary historian, 'a meaning in this 
sentence which those who had fathomed Wilkinson knew 
how to interpret and appreciate.' But the malignant 
prophecy was fulfilled to the letter. Clark's military repu- 
tation suffered an eclipse from which it never emerged ; 
nor did he ever recover the personal popularity he had lost 
by this miserable affair, and henceforth lived neglected, not 
only by the nation to which he had rendered such inesti- 
mable services, but also by the State which may be said to 
have owed its very existence to him. For six years his 
acts had constituted almost the whole history of Kentucky 



THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST 



71 



and the West. At the age of thirty-four he disappears so 
completely from that history that, during the thirty-two suc- 
ceeding years of his life, his name is to be found only upon 
one obscure page thereof." 

Theodore Roosevelt writes in his " The Winning of the 
West " of the collapse of the Kentucky movement against 
the Spaniards in Louisiana : " The whole movement col- 
lapsed when Genet was recalled early in 1 794, Clark being 
forced at once to abandon his expedition. Clark found 
himself out of pocket as the result of what he had done ; 
and as there was no hope of reimbursing himself by Span- 
ish plunder, he sought to obtain from the French Govern- 
ment reimbursement for the expenses, forwarding to the 
French Assembly, through an agent in France, his bill for 
the 'Expenses of the Expedition ordered by Citizen Genet.' 
The agent answered that he would try to secure the pay- 
ment; and after he got to Paris he first announced himself 
as hopeful ; but later he wrote that he had discovered that 
the French agents were really engaged in a dangerous 
conspiracy against the Western country, and finally had to 
admit that the claim was disallowed." 

Afflictions of rheumatism and paralysis closed Colonel 
Clark's life in 1818, and he was buried at Locust Grove, 
near Louisville. The territory that Colonel Clark won by 
the capture of the British posts of Kaskaskia and Vin- 
cennes was organized by Virginia as the county of Illinois, 
and the historian Cone justly observes : 

" Had not this conquest of General Clark been made, 
the Alleghenies, or at best the Ohio river, would have been 
the western boundary of the United States, and there 
would then have been no inducement to effect the maenifi- 
cent purchase made by President Jefferson of the French 
government, in 1802, nor should we have secured the sub- 



72 THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST. 

sequent addition of the grand stretch of country which ends 
only where the Pacific washes its border." 

Though the life of Colonel George Rogers Clark closed 
in poverty, and he was held to have been unsuccessful by 
the common-place estimates, he had served his country 
beyond all calculation, and will be more and more remem- 
bered and honored. He had done enough for immortality. 
His mistakes were for a day; his glory will endure forever. 




A .< ' I ■'■■■ \ 

mi' '' ' '^ • 

r^.':-lr '■f.'f>':4^>V 




REUBEN JAMES SAVING DECATUR'S LIFE. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Jefferson's territorial enterprise. 

Meriwether Lewis and William Clark carry Westward the Course of Empire— 
Their Journey up the Missouri River— Their Passage through the Yellow- 
stone Region— On the Great Divide— Down the Columbia— Shooting the 
Rapids through tTie Dalles on to the Pacific. 

Very largely it was the conquest of the northwest by 
George Rogers Clark of Virginia and Kentucky that 
made the purchase of Louisiana so commanding a policy 
and magnificent a bargain ; and Clark saved the bulk of 
the continent by the capture of two petty military posts, 
thus gaining tide to the vast territories north of the Ohio 
and east of the Mississippi, when even Franklin was ready 
to surrender it, as Canada was given up. President Jeffer- 
son, after the purchase of Louisiana and when Napoleon 
had spent the money to manufacture the superior muskets 
with which he equipped his army at Boulogne and won the 
victories of Austerlitz and Jena, devised and instructed the 
Lewis and Clark expedition, conferring the high historical 
distinction of leadership upon his friend and secretary, 
Meriwether Lewis. The object was to explore the Missouri 
river and find its sources in the Rocky Mountains, and 
beyond that to trace the grand river that flowed to the 
Pacific through the land of which Bryant wrote the famous 
line: 

" Where rolls the Oregon and hears no sound." 

This exploration was an enterprise that flashed from the 

brain of the far-sighted Jefferson, and served to guide and 

spread the Americanism of our nation to the summit of the 

Rockies and carry the march westward of our course of 

5 75 



76 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

empire to the Pacific. The voyages of Columbus, and 
the navigators Magellan and Captain Cook were hardly 
more adventurous, crossing the unknown Atlantic and cir- 
cumnavigating the globe, in search of new worlds and 
remote archipelagoes, than the exploration of the Missouri 
and the Oregon by Lewis and Clark, through the trackless 
wilderness, swarming with savages, and stored with the 
riches of virgin soil and forest and mountain mines, the 
inheritance of the children of the Republic, We quote 
and summarize the features of the official report. The 
narrative is one of the indispensable threads that are the 
clues we must follow, to find the sources of our grandeur; 
and the secrets of our destiny were revealed, as Lewis and 
Clark ascended the river of North America that rivals the 
Nile in length and converted mystery into history. 

On the acquisition of Louisiana, in the year 1803, the 
attention of the government of the United States was early 
directed towards exploring and improving the new terri- 
tory. Accordingly, in the summer of the same year, an 
expedition was planned by President Jefferson, for the pur- 
pose of discovering the course and sources of the Missouri, 
and the most convenient water communication thence to 
the Pacific ocean. His private secretary, Captain Meri- 
wether Lewis, and Captain William Clark, both officers of 
the army of the United States, were associated in the com- 
mand of this enterprise. After receiving the requisite 
instructions, Captain Lewis left the seat of government, 
and, being joined by Captain Clark at Louisville, in Ken- 
tucky, proceeded to St. Louis, where they arrived in the 
month of December. Their original intention was to pass 
the winter at La Charette, the highest setdement on the 
Missouri. But the Spanish commandant of the province, 
not havinij received an official account of its transfer to the 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. yy 

United States, was obliged, by the general policy of his 
government, to prevent strangers from passing through 
the Spanish territory. They, therefore, encamped at the 
mouth of the Wood river, on the eastern side of the 
Mississippi, out of his jurisdiction, where they passed 
the winter in disciplining the men, and making the nec- 
essary preparations for setting out early in the spring, 
before which the cession was officially announced. The 
party consisted of nine young men from Kentucky, four- 
teen soldiers of the United States army who volunteered 
their services, two French watermen, an interpreter and 
hunter, and a black servant belonging to Captain Clark — 
all these, except the last, were enlisted to serve as privates 
during the expedition, and three sergeants were appointed 
from amongst them by the captains. In addition to these 
were engaged a corporal and six soldiers, and nine water- 
men to accompany the expedition as far as the Mandan 
nation, in order to assist in carrying the stores, or repelling 
an attack, which was most to be apprehended between 
Wood river and that tribe. The necessary stores were 
subdivided into seven bales, and one box, containing a 
small portion of each article in case of accident. They 
consisted of a great variety of clothing, working utensils, 
locks, flints, powder, ball, and articles of the greatest use. 
To these were added fourteen bales and one box of Indian 
presents, distributed in the same manner, and composed of 
richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, 
knives and tomahawks for the chiefs — ornaments of differ- 
ent kinds, particularly beads, looking-glasses, handker- 
chiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed 
best calculated for the taste of the Indians. The party was 
to embark on board of three boats ; the first was a keel 
boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet of water, carry- 



78 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

ing one large square sail and twenty-two oars, a deck of 
ten feet in the bow and stern formed a forecastle and cabin, 
while the middle was covered by lockers, which might be 
raised so as to form a breastwork in case of attack. This 
was accompanied by two perioques or open boats, one of 
six, and the other of seven oars. Two horses were at the 
same time to be led along the banks of the river for the 
purpose of bringing home game, or hunting in case of 
scarcity. 

The report reads : "All the preparations being com- 
pleted, we left our encampment on Monday, May 14th, 
1804. This spot is at the mouth of the Wood river, a 
small stream which empties into the Mississippi, opposite 
to the entrance of the Missouri. It is situated in latitude 
38°. 55'> 19" north, and longitude from Greenwich 89°, 57', 
45". On both sides of the Mississippi the land for two or 
three miles is rich and level, but gradually swells into a 
high, pleasant country, with less timber on the western than 
on the eastern side, but all susceptible of cultivation. The 
point which separates the two rivers on the north, extends 
for fifteen or twenty miles, the greater part of which is 
an open and level plain, in which the people of the neigh- 
borhood cultivate what little grain they raise. Not being 
able to set sail before four o'clock, p.m., we did not make 
more than four miles, and encamped on the first island 
opposite a small creek, called Cold Water. 

"The next morninor ^q set sail at five o'clock. At the 
distance of a few miles, we passed a remarkable large coal 
hill on the north side, called by the French, La Charbonniere, 
and remained at the town of St. Charles. 

" On the 2 2d we made about eighteen miles, passing sev- 
eral small farms on the bank of the river, a number of 
islands and a large creek on the south side, called Bon- 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. yg 

homme, or Goodman's river. A small number of emigrants 
from the United States have settled on the sides of this 
creek, which are very fertile. We also passed some high 
lands, and encamped, on the north side, near a small creek. 
Here we met with a camp of Kickapoo Indians who had 
left us at St. Charles, with a promise of procuring us some 
provisions by the time we overtook them. They now made 
us a present of four deer, and we gave them in return two 
quarts of whiskey. 

" This tribe resides on the heads of the Kaskaskia and 
Illinois rivers, on the other side of the Mississippi, but oc- 
casionally hunt on the Missouri. 

"June 7th, we passed at four and a half miles Big Mani- 
tou creek, near which is a limestone rock Inlaid with flint 
of various colors, and embellished, or at least covered, with 
uncouth paintings of animals and Inscriptions. We landed 
to examine It, but found the place occupied by a nest of 
rattlesnakes, of which we killed three. We also examined 
some licks and springs of salt water, two or three miles up 
this creek. We then proceeded by some willow islands 
and encamped at the mouth of Good Woman river on the 
north. It is about thirty-five yards wide and said to be 
navigable for boats for several leagues. The hunters, who 
had hitherto given us only deer, brought in this evening 
three bears, and had seen some indication of buffalo. 

"On the morning of the 12th, we passed through diffi- 
cult places In the river, and reached Plum Creek on the 
south side. At one o'clock we met two rafts loaded, one 
with furs, the other with the tallow of buffalo ; they were 
from the Sioux nation, and on their way to St. Louis; but 
we were fortunate enough to engage one of the party, a 
Mr. Durion, who had lived with that nation more than 
twenty years, and was "high in their confidence, to accom- 



8o JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

pany us thither. On the 13th, we passed at between four 
and five miles, a bend of the river, and two creeks on the 
north, called Round Bend creeks. Between these two 
creeks is the prairie, in which once stood the ancient village 
of the Missouris. Of this village there remains no vestige, 
nor is there anything to recall this great and numerous 
nation, except a feeble remnant of about thirty families. 
They were driven from their original seats by the invasion 
of the Sauks and other Indians from the Mississippi, who 
destroyed, at this village, two hundred of them in one con- 
test ; the rest sought refuge near the Little Osage, on the 
other side of the river. The encroachment of the same 
enemies forced, about thirty years since, both these nations 
from the banks of the Missouri. A few retired with the 
Osage, and the remainder found an asylum on the river 
Platte, among the Ottoes, who are themselves declining. 
Opposite the plain there was an island and a French fort, 
but there is now no appearance of either, the successive 
inundations having washed them away, as the willow island 
which is in the situation described by Du Pratz, and is small 
and of recent formation. Five miles from this place is the 
mouth of the Grand River, where we encamped. This 
river follows a course nearly south or southeast, and is be- 
tween eighty and a hundred yards wide where it enters the 
Missouri, near a delightful and rich plain. A raccoon, a 
bear and some deer were obtained to-day." 

There is an enormous amount of detail in the report, for 
President Jefferson was a very determined man in his 
anxiety for exact and voluminous information. Reaching 
the Platte country, there was a halt to send a report to the 
President, and there is complaint of the scarcity of game, 
but "the hunters saw deer, turkeys and grouse ; we have 
also an abundance of ripe grapes; and one of our men 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 8 1 

caught a white catfish, the eyes of which were small, and its 
tail resembling that of a dolphin. The present season Is 
that in which the Indians go out into the prairies to hunt 
the buffalo ; but as we discovered some hunters' tracks, and 
observed the plains on fire in the direction of their villages, 
we hoped that they might have returned to gather the green 
corn, and therefore despatched two men to the Ottoes or 
Pawnee villages with a present of tobacco and an invitation 
to the chiefs to visit us." 

Then follows an account of the Indian villages and tribes, 
closing with this remark : " All these tribes live in villages 
and raise corn, but during the intervals of culture rove in 
the plains in quest of buffalo." As for the river, it was 
" much more crooked since we passed the River Platte, 
though generally speaking, not so rapid ; more of prairie, 
with less timber, and cottonwood in the low grounds, and 
oak, black walnut, hickory and elm." Some Ottoe and 
Missouri Indians came in with a Frenchman who " resided 
among them, and interpreted for us. Captain Lewis and 
Clark went out to meet them, and told them that we would 
hold a council in the morning. In the meantime we sent 
them some roasted meat, pork, flour and meal ; in return 
for which they made us a present of watermelons. We 
learned that our man Liberte had set out from their camp 
a day before them ; we were in hopes that he had fatigued 
his horse or lost himself in the woods, and would soon 
return, but we never saw him again." 

A great deal of space is given the Indians, and in one 
case the red men were presented with " paint, garters, and 
cloth ornaments of dress ; and to this we added a canister 
of powder, a bottle of whiskey, and a few presents to the 
whole, which appeared to make them perfectly satisfied. 
The air-gun, too, was fired, and astonished them greatly. 



82 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

The absent chief was an Ottoe, named Weahrushhah, 
which in EngHsh degenerates into Little Thief." At a Sioux 
village the interpreter and a few others were riiet by a 
" committee " " with a buffalo robe, on which they desired 
to carry their visitors, an honor which they declined, in- 
forming the Indians that they were not the commanders of 
the boats. As a great mark of respect, they were then 
presented with a fat dog, already cooked, of which they 
partook heartily, and found it well flavored." At one of 
the Indian villages there was a dance, "and in the course 
of their amusement we threw among them some knives, 
tobacco, bells, tape, and binding, with which they were much 
pleased. Their musical instruments were the drum, and a 
sort of little bag made of buffalo hide, dressed white, with 
small shot or pebbles in it, and a bunch of hair tied to it." 

The speeches of Indians at the councils are reported, 
and are of the usual Indian quality. In the tribe of the 
Yanktons what struck the explorers most was " an institu- 
tion peculiar to them, and to the Kite Indians, further to 
the westward, from whom it is said to have been copied. 
It is an association of the most active and brave young 
men, who are bound to each other by attachment, secured 
by a vow never to retreat before any danger, or give way 
to their enemies. In war they go forward without shelter- 
ing themselves behind trees, or aiding their natural valor 
by any artifice. This punctilious determination, not to be 
turned from their course, became heroic or ridiculous a 
short time since, when the Yanktons were crossing the 
Missouri on the ice. A hole lay immediately in their course, 
which might easily have been avoided by going round. 
This the foremost of the band disdained to do, but went 
straight forward and was lost. The others would have 
followed his example, but were forcibly prevented." 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 83 

The Missouri river is the constant theme of elaborate 
observation and description. This is a touch : " As in 
every bend of the river, we again observe the red berries 
resembhng currants." 

There was discovered a tribe of Indians called Ricaras, 
and " we were gratified at disco verin or that these Ricaras 
made no use of spirituous liquors of any kind, the example 
of the traders who bring it to them, so far from tempting, 
has in fact disgusted them. Supposing that it was as 
agreeable to them as to other Indians, we at first offered 
them whiskey ; but they refused it with this sensible re- 
mark, that they were surprised that their father should pre- 
sent to them a liquor which would make them fools. On 
another occasion they observed that no man could be their 
friend who tried to lead them into such follies." 

Passing Mandan villages, " the Indians flocked to the 
bank to see us as we passed, and they visited in great 
numbers the camp, where some of them remained all 
night," and the expedition received " several presents from 
the women, consisting of corn, boiled hominy, and garden 
stuffs : in our turn we gratified the wife of the great chief 
with a gift of a glazed earthen jar. Our hunter brought us 
two beaver." 

" November 5th. The Indians are all out on their hunting 
parties : a camp of Mandans caught within two days one 
hundred sfoats a short distance below us ; their mode of 
hunting them is to form a large strong pen or fold, from 
which a fence made of bushes gradually widens on each 
side ; the animals are surrounded by the hunters and 
gently driven toward this pen, in which they imperceptibly 
find themselves enclosed, and are then at the mercy of the 
hunters. 

"Thursday, 27th. Almost the whole of that vast tract of 



84 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

country comprised between the Mississippi, the Red river 
of Lake Winnipeg, the Saskaskawan, and the Missouri, is 
loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is 
Darcota, but who are called Sioux by the French, Sues by 
the English. 

" Tuesday, January i, 1805. The new year was welcomed 
by two shots from the swivel and a round of small arms. 
The party now consisted of thirty-two persons Besides 
ourselves were Sergeants John Ordway, Nathaniel Pryor, 
and Patrick Gass ; the privates were William Bratton, John 
Colter, John Collins, Peter Cruzatte, Robert Frazier, Reu- 
ben Fields, Joseph Fields, George Gibson, Silas Good- 
rich, Hugh Hall, Thomas P. Howard, Baptiste Lapage, 
Francis Labiche, Hugh McNeal, John Potts, John Shields, 
George Shannon, John B. Thompson, William Werner, 
Alexander Willard, Richard Windsor, Joseph Whitehouse, 
Peter Wiser, and Captain Clark's black servant, York. 
The two interpreters were George Drewyer and Tousaint 
Chaboneau. All this party with the baggage was stowed in 
six small canoes and two large perioques. At the same time 
that we took our departure, our barge, manned with seven 
soldiers, two Frenchmen, and Mr. Gravelines as pilot, 
sailed for the United States loaded with our presents and 
dispatches. 

"Friday, April 26. We continued our voyage in the 
morning, and by twelve o'clock encamped at eight miles 
distance, at the junction of the Missouri and Yellowstone 
rivers ; where we were soon joined by Captain Lewis. 

"On leaving us yesterday he pursued his route along the 
foot of the hills, which he ascended at the distance of eight 
miles; from these wide plains, watered by the Missouri 
and the Yellowstone, spread themselves before the eye, 
occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 85 

by the irregular windings of the two rivers, and animated 
by vast herds of buffalo, deer, elk and antelope. Along 
the margin of the river grows the small-leafed willow; in 
the low grounds adjoining are scattered rosebushes three 
or four feet high, the redberry, serviceberry, and redwood. 
The higher plains are either immediately on the river, in 
which case they are generally timbered, and have an under- 
growth like that of the low grounds, with the addition of 
the broad-leafed willow, gooseberry, chokecherry, purple 
currant, and honeysuckle." 

There is a charming description of the Yellowstone coun- 
try ; but of it there is complaint of the lack of timber. 

"The wild licorice is found in great abundance on these 
hills, as is also the white apple. As usual we are sur- 
rounded by buffalo, elk, common and black-tailed deer, 
beaver, antelopes, and wolves." 

A tributary stream is thus noted : " The water has a 
peculiar whiteness, such as might be produced by a table- 
spoonful of milk in a cup of tea, and this circumstance 
induced us to call it Milk river. 

"June 13, 1805. They left their encampment at sun-rise, 
and ascending the river hills, went for six miles in a course 
generally southwest, over a country which, though more 
waving than that of yesterday, may still be considered 
level. At the extremity of this course they overlooked a 
most beautiful plain, where were infinitely more buffaloes 
than we had ever before seen at a single view. To the 
southwest arose from the plain two mountains of appear- 
ance like ramparts of high fortifications. They are square 
figures with sides rising perpendicularly to the height of 
two hundred and fifty feet, formed of yellow clay." 

The great falls of the Missouri are described in a few 
sentences: "For ninety or a hundred yards from the left 



86 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

cliff, the water falls in one smooth even sheet, over a pre- 
cipice of at least eighty feet. The remaining part of the 
river precipitates itself with a more rapid current, but 
being received as it falls by the irregular and somewhat 
projecting rocks below, forms a splendid prospect of per- 
fecdy white foam two hundred yards in length, and eighty 
in perpendicular elevation. 

"July 28, 1805. On examining the two streams it became 
difficult to decide which was the larger or real Missouri; 
they are each ninety yards wide, and so perfectly similar 
in character and appearance that they seem to have been 
formed in the same mould. We were therefore induced to 
discontinue the name of Missouri, and gave to the southwest 
branch the name of Jefferson, in honor of the President of 
the United States, and the projector of the enterprise, and 
called the middle branch Madison, after James Madison, 
secretary of state." 

The climax of the expedition was the discovery of the 
source of the Missouri and passing the dividing ridge, from 
which the water ran east and west, to the two oceans. 

"August 12, 1805. Captain Lewis wound along the foot 
of the mountains to the southwest, approaching obliquely 
the main stream he had left yesterday. Down this trail he 
now went towards the southwest ; at the distance of five 
miles it crossed a large run or creek, which is a principal 
branch of the main stream into which it falls, just above the 
high cliffs or gates observed yesterday, and which they now 
saw below them ; here they halted and breakfasted on the 
last of the deer, keeping a small piece of pork in reserve 
against accident ; they then crossed through the low bottom 
along the main stream near the foot of the mountains on 
their right. For the first five miles the valley condnues 
toward the southwest from two to three miles in width ; 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 2>7 

then the main stream, which has received two small branches 
from the left to the valley, turns abruptly to the west 
through a narrow bottom between the mountains. The 
trail was still plain, and as it led them directly on towards 
the mountain, the stream gradually became smaller, till after 
going two miles it had so greatly diminished in width that 
one of the men in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each 
side of the river, thanked God that he had lived to bestride 
the Missouri. As they went along their hopes of seeing 
the waters of the Columbia arose almost to painful anxiety, 
when after four miles from the last abrupt turn of the river, 
they reached a small gap formed by the high mountains 
which recede on each side, leaving room for the Indian 
road. 

" From the foot of one of the lowest of these moun- 
tains, which rises with a gentle ascent of about half a mile, 
issues the remotest water of the Missouri. They had now 
reached the hidden source of that river, which had never 
yet been seen by civilized man ; and as they quenched their 
thirst at the chaste and icy fountain — as they sat down by 
the briJik of that little rivulet, which yielded its distant and 
modest tribnte to the parent ocean, they felt thems(dves rewarded 
for all their labors and all their dijjictilties. They left reluc- 
tantly this interesting spot, and pursuing the Indian road 
through the interval of the hills ^ arrived at the top of a ridge 
from which they sazv high mountai7is, partially covered zvith 
snoia, still to the zvest of them. The ridge on which they 
stood formed the dividing line between the waters of the At- 
lantic and Pacific oceans. They followed a descent much 
steeper than that on the eastern side, and at the distance of 
three-quarters of a mile, reached a ha7idsome bold creek of 
cold clear water runniftg to the westivard. They stopped to 
taste for the first time the waters of the Columbia; and after 



88 JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 

a few minutes, followed the road across steep hills and low 
hollows, till they reached a spring on the side of the moun- 
tain ; here they found a sufficient quantity of dry willow 
brush for fuel, and therefore halted for the night ; and hav- 
ing killed nothing in the course of the day, supped on their 
last piece of pork, and trusted to fortune for some other 
food to mix with a little flour and parched meal, which was 
all that now remained of their provisions." 

On the Columbia, the report says : " We proceeded on 
in the boats, but as the river was very shallow and rapid, 
the navigation is extremely difficult, and the men who are 
almost constantly in the water, are getting feeble and sore, 
and so much worn down by fatigue, that they are very 
anxious to commence traveling by land." 

"Saturday, November 2, 1805. We now examined the 
rapids below more particularly, and the danger appearing to 
be too great for the loaded canoes, all those who could 
not swim were sent with the baggage by land. The canoes 
then passed safely, and were reloaded; at the foot of the 
rapid we took a meridian altitude of 59° 45' 45". Just as 
we were setting out seven squaws arrived across the port- 
age loaded with dried fish and bear grease, neatly packed 
in bundles, and soon after four Indians came down the 
rapid in a large canoe. The rapid which we have just 
passed is the last of all the descents of the Columbia. At 
this place the first tide-water commences, and the river in 
consequence widened. The hunters brought in two deer, 
a crane, some geese and ducks, and several brant, three of 
which were white, except a black part of the wing, and 
much larger than the grey brant, which is itself a size 
beyond the duck. 

"Saturday, November i6th. The morning was clear and 
beautiful. We, therefore, put all our baggage to dry and 



JEFFERSON'S TERRITORIAL ENTERPRISE. 89 

sent several of the party to hunt. Our camp is in full 
view of the ocean." 

''Saturday, November 17th. A fair cool morning and 
easterly wind. The tide rises at this place eight feet 
six inches in height, and rolls over the beach in great 
waves. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 

The Projected Confederacy of the Red Nations — The Measures adopted by 
Tecumseh's Brother, the Artful " Prophet," to Induce the Savages to Join 
the Confederacy — Tecumseh and the Prophet make Strategic Use of the 
Superstitious Trait in the Indian Character — The Death of Tecumseh as 
Related by Black Hawk. 

The most famous and respected of Indian chieftains in 
North America, if perhaps we except the heroic Mexican 
kings who were worthy the steel of Cortez, is Tecumseh. 
He was born in an Indian village in Ohio between the 
present cities of Dayton and Springfield, in the heart of. 
the pleasant country between the head-waters of the Mad 
river and the little Miami. It is remarkable that a man of 
the dignified and charming character and grave profession 
of Judge Sherman, the father of the distinguished brothers, 
the General and the Statesman, should have named a son 
for an Indian, even if the red man was one of the foremost 
of the long list of Ohio men conspicuously placed in his- 
tory. Tecumseh began his career that is recorded in 
American annals, as an organizer of tribes of his race to 
make a stand against the overwhelming advance of the 
white men, and he was aided by a brother almost as illus- 
trious as himself, the Prophet, who inspired the attack 
upon General William Henry Harrison, known as the bat- 
tle of Tippecanoe. It shows the scope of the conceptions 
of the brothers who were, in war and religion, the leaders 
of their people, that while the Prophet was fighting Harri- 
son on the Wabash, Tecumseh was on a journey to the 

South, doing missionary work for war with the Creeks and 
90 




DRAFTING THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 




PAUL JONES CAPTURING THE SERAPIS. 



THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 93 

Other powerful tribes. It is tradition that Tecumseh blamed 
the Prophet for a premature outbreak which he believed 
caused the eventual failure of his thoughtfully projected 
and carefully prepared confederacy of the Red Nations. 
"Tecumseh's plan," Tuttle tells us in his " Border Wars 
of Two Nations," was to surprise and capture forts Detroit, 
Wayne, Chicago, St. Louis, Vincennes and the adjacent 
American posts and unite all the tribes east of the Missis- 
sippi. As early as 1807 the Shawnee chieftain and his 
brother were actively engaged in sending their deputies, 
with large presents and bloody war belts, to the most dis- 
tant nations, to persuade them to come into the league, 
"and when the comet appeared in 181 1 the Prophet art- 
fully turned it to account by practicing upon the supersti- 
tions of the savages." Early in May a special emissary was 
sent to the distant tribes of Lake Superior, and a grand 
council being there assembled by the deputy, "he told the 
Indians that he had been sent by the messenger and repre- 
sentative of the Great Spirit, and that he was commissioned 
to deliver to them a speech from the first man whom God 
had created, said to be in the Shawnees' country." He 
delivered the speech with which he was charged in these 
words : " I am the father of the English, and of the French, 
and of the Spaniards, and of the Indians. I created the 
first man who was the common father of all these people, 
as well as of ourselves, and it was through him, whom I 
have awakened from his long sleep, that I now address 
you. But the Americans I did not make. They are not 
my children, but the children of the evil spirit. They grew 
from the scum of the great water when it was troubled by 
the evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods by a 
strong east wind. But I hate them. My children, you 
must not speak of this talk to the whites ; it must be hid- 
6 



Q^ THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 

den from them. I am now on the earth sent by the Great 
Spirit to instruct you that you may be taught. The bearer 
of this must point out to you the way to my wigwam. I 
could not come myself, L'Arbre Croche, because this 
world is changed from what it was. It is broken and leans 
down, and as it declines the Chippewas and all beyond 
will fall off and die. Therefore, you must come to me and 
be instructed. Those villages which do not listen to this 
talk will be cut off from the face of the earth." 

Such were the measures adopted by the artful Prophet 
to induce the savagfes to fall into the ranks of Tecumseh's 
army, and they were in every respect successful. Thus did 
the cunning Shawnee chief carry his work forward. Be- 
fore the month of June, 1806, they had removed from 
Greenville to the banks of the Tippecanoe, a tributary of 
the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had been granted 
them by the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. In the follow- 
ing July, the Prophet sent a messenger to General Harrison, 
begging him not to believe the tale told by his enemies, 
and promising to visit him soon. In August he repaired to 
Post Vincennes, and by his fine talk convinced the gover- 
nor that he had no evil designs. 

Mr. Brown, in speaking of Chief Tecumseh and his 
brother, the Prophet, in his " History of Illinois," says : 
"Tecumseh entered upon the great work he contemplated 
in the year 1805 or 1806. He was then thirty-eight years 
of age. To unite the several Indian tribes, many of which 
were hostile to, and had often been at war with each other, 
in this great and important undertaking, prejudices were to 
to be overcome, their original manners and customs to be 
re-established, the use of ardent spirits to be abandoned, 
and all intercourse with the whites to be suspended. The task 
was herculean in its character, and beset with difficulties on 



THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 95 

every side. Here was a field for the display of die highest 
moral and intellectual powers. He had already gained the 
reputation of a brave and sagacious warrior, and a cool- 
headed, upright, wise, and efficient counsellor. He was 
neither a war nor a peace chief, and yet he wielded the 
power and influence of both. The time having now ar- 
rived for action, and knowing full well that to win savage 
attention some bold and striking movement was necessary, 
he imparted his plan to his brother, the Prophet, who 
adroitly and without a moment's delay, prepared himself 
for the part he was appointed to play in this great drama 
of savage life. Tecumseh well knew that excessive super- 
stition was everywhere a prominent trait in the Indian 
character, and, therefore, with the skill of another Crom- 
well, brought superstition to his aid. Suddenly his brother 
began to dream dreams, and see visions ; he became after- 
ward an inspired prophet, favored with a divine commission 
from the Great Spirit — the power of life and death was 
placed in his hands — he was appointed agent for preserving 
the property and lands of the Indians, and of restoring 
them to their original happy condition. He thereupon 
commenced his sacred work. The public mind was aroused, 
unbelief gradually gave way, credulity and wild fanaticism 
began to spread its circles, widening and deepening, until 
the fame of the Prophet, and the divine character of his 
mission, had reached the frozen shores of the lakes and 
overran the broad plains which stretched far beyond ' the 
great Father of Waters.' Pilgrims from remote tribes 
sought with fear and trembling, the headquarters of the 
prophet and the sage. Proselytes were multiplied, and his 
followers increased beyond all former example. Even 
Tecumseh became a believer, and, seizing upon the golden 
opportunity, he mixed with the pilgrims, won them by his 



q6 the story of tecumseh. 

address, and, on their return, sent a knowledge of his plan 
of concert and union to the most distant tribes. The 
bodily and mental labors of Tecumseh next commenced. 
His life became one of ceaseless activity. He traveled, he 
argued, he commanded. His persuasive voice was one day 
listened to by the Wyandots, on the plains of Sandusky ; 
on the next his commands were issued on the banks of the 
Wabash. He was anon seen paddling his canoe across the 
Mississippi, then boldly confronting the Governor of In- 
diana in the council houses at Vincennes. Now carrying 
his banner of union among the Creeks and Cherokees of 
the south, and from thence to the cold, inhospitable regions 
of the north, neither intoxicated by success nor discouraged 
by failure." 

The following article appeared in the Baltimore Ameii- 
can, soon after Black Hawk's death. The article was written 
by one acquainted with the circumstance. It gives an ac- 
count of the death of Tecumseh and many interesting points 
in the life of the Sac chief 

'• During a residence of several years in what is now the 
territory of Iowa, I had many opportunities of seeing and 
conversing with this noted warrior, and often look back 
with feelings of great pleasure to the many tokens of good- 
will and friendship that he has frequently bestowed upon 
men. His lodge was always open to a stranger, and he 
was ever ready to share that with him which he might most 
want, either his furs and blankets for a couch, or his corn 
and venison for a repast. He always spoke in terms of 
high regard of the whites, saying that in war he fought like 
a brave man, but in peace he wished to forget that his hand 
had ever been raised against them. His career as a war- 
rior commenced at a very early age ; when he was but 
fourteen years old, his father, Pawheese, led a war party 



THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 



97 



against the Osages, in which expedition he accompanied 
him. They succeeded in reaching the village of Osages, 
which they attacked, and after a very severe encounter, 
they routed their enemies and burned their town. In this 
battle Black Hawk's father was killed, but he revenged his 
death by killing and scalping the Osage who had slain him. 
He was fond of recounting his earlier exploits, and often 
boasted of his being at the right hand of Tecumseh, when 
the latter was killed at the battle of the Thames. His ac- 
count of the death of this distinguished warrior, was related 
to me by himself, during ah evening that I spent in his lodge 
some winters ago. In the course of our talk, I asked him 
if he was with Tecumseh when he was killed. He replied : 
" T was, and I will now tell you all about it. Tecumseh, 
Shaubinne and Caldwell, two Pottawatomie chiefs, and my- 
self, were seated on a log near our camp-fire, filling our 
pipes for a smoke on the morning of the battle, when word 
came from the British general, that he wished to speak with 
Tecumseh, He went immediately, and after staying some 
time rejoined us, taking his seat without saying a word, 
when Caldwell, who was one of his favorites, observed to 
him, ' My father, what are we to do ? Shall we fight the 
Americans ? ' ' Yes, my son,' replied Tecumseh, ' we shall 
go into their very smoke — but you are now wanted by the 
general. Go, my son, I never expect to see you again.' 
Shortly after this (continued Black Hawk), the Indian spies 
came in and gave word of the near approach of the Ameri- 
cans. Tecumseh immediately posted his men on the edge 
of a swamp, which fianked the British line, placing himself 
at their head. I was a little to his right, with a small party 
of Sacs. It was not long before the Americans made their 
appearance ; they did not perceive us at first, hid as we 
were by the undergrowth, but we soon let them know 



q3 the story of tecumseh. 

where we were by pouring in one or two volleys, as they 
were forming into line to oppose the British. They faltered 
a little, but very soon we perceived a large body of horse- 
(Colonel Johnson's regiment of mounted Kentuckians), pre- 
paring to charge upon us in the swamp. They came bravely 
on, yet we never stirred until they were so close that we could 
see the flints of their guns, when Tecumseh, springing to 
his feet, gave the Shawnee war cry, and discharged his rifle. 
This was the signal for us to commence the fight ; but it 
did not last long ; the Americans answered the shout, re- 
turning our fire, and at the first discharge of their guns, I 
saw Tecumseh stagger forward over a fallen tree near 
which he was standing, letting his rifle drop to his feet. As 
soon as the Indians discovered he was killed, a sudden fear 
came over them, and thinking that the Great Spirit was 
displeased, they fought no longer, and were quickly put to 
flight. That night we returned to bury our dead and search 
for the body of Tecumseh. He was found near where he 
had first fallen ; a bullet had struck him above the hip, 
and his skull had been broken by the butt end of the gun 
of some soldier, who had found him, perhaps, when life 
was not yet quite gone. With the exception of these wounds 
his body was untouched ; lying near him, however, was a 
large, fine-looking Pottawatomie, who had been killed, 
decked off in his plumes and war paint, whom the Ameri- 
cans no doubt had taken for Tecumseh ; for he was scalped, 
and every particle of skin flayed from his body. Tecumseh 
himself had no ornaments about his person save a British 
medal. During the night we buried our dead, and brought 
off the body of Tecumseh, although we were in sight of the 
fires of the American camp.' 

"This is somewhat different from the account which is 
commonly given of Tecumseh's death, yet I believe it to be 



THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. g^ 

true ; for after hearing Black Hawk relate it, I heard it cor- 
roborated by one of the Pottawatomie chiefs, mentioned by 
him. I asked him if he had ever fought against the whites 
after the death of Tecumseh. He said not, that he returned 
home to his village on the Mississippi, at the mouth of Rock 
River, and there he remained until driven away by the 
whites in the year 1832. The wish to hold possession of 
this village was the cause oi the war which he waged against 
the whites during that year. He told me that he never 
wished to hght ; that he was made -to do so ; that the 
whites killed his warriors when they went with a white flag 
to beg a parley, and that after this was done he thought 
they intended to kill him at all events, and therefore he 
would die like a warrior. 

" In speaking of his defeat, he said it was what he 
expected ; that he did not mind it ; but what hurt him more 
than anything else was our Government degrading him in 
the eyes of his own people, and setting another chief 
(Keokuk) over him. This degradation he appeared to feel 
very sensibly. Still he continued to possess all his native 
pride. One instance that came under my observation, I 
recollect well, in which it was strongly displayed. He hap- 
pened to be in a small town in Iowa on the same day in 

which a party of dragoons, under Capt. , arrived, and 

in paying a visit to a friend with whom he always partook 
of a meal whenever he stopped at the village, he met with 
the captain, who had been invited to dine. Black Hawk 
remained, also expecting the usual invitation to stay and 
eat with them ; but when the dinner was ready the host took 
him aside and told him the captain, or rather the white 
man's chief, was to dine with him that day and he must wait 
until they had finished. The old chief's eye glistened with 
anger as he answered him, raising the forefinger of one 



jQQ THE STORY OF TECUMSEH. 

hand to his breast, to represent the officer, 'I know the 
white man is a chief, but /,' elevating the finger of the 
other hand far above his head, ' was a chief and led my 
warriors to the fight long before his mother knew him. 
Your meat — my dogs should not eat it ! ' Saying this, he 
gathered the folds of his blanket about him and stalked off 
as proudly as if he still walked over ground that he could 
call ' my own! " 

The testimony of Black Hawk as to the death of Tecum- 
seh is of the highest value, and his memory will be per- 
petuated by the fact that it was in an expedition to curb 
his ambition that Abraham Lincoln served as a volunteer 
soldier in the Black Hawk war. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE RACE FOR OREGON. 

Marcus Whitman Determines the Future Ownership of Oregon and Washington 
— England Through the Hudson Bay Company was His Keen Competi- 
tor — His Heroic Ride to the National Capitol to Save the Territory — 
His Manly Appeal to President Tyler and Secretary of State Daniel 
Webster — The Return with One Thousand Settlers, One Year After His 
Departure — Devastation During His Absence and His Massacre with 
His Wife and Many Others Four Years Later. 

Almost as strange a story as the conquest of Upper 
Louisiana by George Rogers Clark, is that of the saving 
of Oregon by Marcus Whitman, a missionary among the 
Indians. The ownership of Oregon was long unsettled 
between Great Britain and the United States, the former 
depending upon the Hudson Bay Company to secure the 
country, and the latter careless and unappreciative, largely 
indifferent because poorly informed. It was the current 
opinion that the fate of Oregon would be settled by what 
Stephen A. Douglas afterward called squatter sovereignty. 
That was the preponderance of the first settlers. In all 
probability, if it had not been for the intelligence, energy, 
hardihood and devotion of one man, Dr. Marcus Whitman, 
the land that is the foundation of the states of Oregon and 
Washington would have been a British possession, and the 
western growth of the United States halted on the Rocky 
Mountains. The history of the saving of Oregon has been 
written in clear and happy style by Dr. Oliver W. Nixon, 
of Chicago, whose labors have been so thorough and their 
result so positive, that Whitman's place among the heroes 
and martyrs will never be contested. He was martyr as 



^Q2 THE RACE FOR OREGON. 

well as hero, for after he had accomplished his ambition of 
Americanizing Oregon, he perished in a massacre by 
Indians. Dr. Nixon is the authority from which we quote 
the grand oudines of Whitman's career with the certainty 
of his accuracy : 

" Dr. Whitman was born at Rushville, New York, Sep- 
tember 4, 1804, and was thirty-three years old when he 
entered upon his work in Oregon. When first converted 
he resolved to study for the ministry, but a chain of cir- 
cumstances changed his plans, and he studied medicine. 
The early hardships and privations educated him into an 
admirable fitness for the chosen work of his life. 

" Picture that little missionary band as they stood together 
at Fort Walla Walla in September, 1836, and consulted 
about the great problems to solve. It was all new. There 
were no precedents to guide them. They easily under- 
stood that the first thing to do was to consult the ruling 
powers of Oregon — the Hudson Bay Company officials at 
Fort Vancouver. This would require another journey of 
three hundred miles, but, as it could be made in boats, and 
the Indians were capital oarsmen, they resolved to take their 
wives with them, and thus complete the wedding journey. 

"The gallant Dr. McLoughlin, chief factor of the Hud- 
son Bay Company, was a keen judge of human nature, and 
read men and women as scholars read books, and he was 
captivated with the open, manly ways of Dr. Whitman, and 
the womanly accomplishments of the fair young wife, who 
had braved the perils of an overland journey with wholly 
unselfish purposes. Whitman soon developed to Dr. Mc- 
Loughlin all his plans and hopes. Perhaps there was a 
professional free masonry among the men that brought 
them closer together, but, by nature, they were both men 
endowed richly with the best manly characteristics. 



THE RACE FOR OREGON. 



103 



" Dr. McLoughlin resolved to do the best thing possible 
for them, while he still protected the interests of his great 
monopoly. Dr. Whitman's idea was to build one mission 
at the Dalles, so as to be convenient to shipping ; Mc- 
Loughlin at once saw that it would not do. He had already 
pushed the Mediodist mission far up the Willamette, out of 
the way of the fort and its work, and argued with Whit- 
man that it would be best for him to go to the Walla Walla 
country, three hundred miles away, and Spalding, one hun- 
dred and twenty-five miles farther on." 

The world loves a hero, and the pioneer history of our 
several States furnishes as interesting characters as are 
anywhere recorded. In view of the facts and conditions 
already recited, the old missionaries were anxious and rest- 
less, and yet felt in a measure powerless to avert the dan- 
ger threatened. They believed that under the terms of the 
treaty of 181 8, reaffirmed in 1828, whichever nationality 
settled and organized the territory, that nation would hold it. 

This was not directly affirmed in the terms of that treaty, 
but was so interpreted by the Americans and English In 
Oregon, and was greatly strengthened by the fact that 
leading statesmen in Congress had for nearly half a century 
wholly neglected Oregon, and time and again gone upon 
record as declaring it worthless and undesirable. In their 
conferences the missionaries from time to time had gone 
over the whole question, and did everything in their power 



to encourage immigration. 



Their glowing accounts of the fertility of the soil, the 
balmy climate, the towering forests, the indications of rich- 
ness in minerals, had each year Induced a limited number 
of more daring Americans to Immigrate. 

In this work of the missionaries, Jason Lee, the chief of 
the Methodist missions, was, up to the date of the incident we 



J04 THE RACE FOR OREGON. 

are about to narrate, the most successful of all. He was a 
man of great strength of character. Like Whitman, he was 
also a man of great physical strength, fearless, and, with it 
all, wise and brainy. No other man among the pioneers, 
for his untiring energy in courting immigration, can be so 
nearly classed with Whitman. 

They were all men who, though in Oregon to convert 
savages to Christianity, yet were intensely American. 
They thought it no abuse of their Christianity to carry the 
banner of the cross in one hand and the banner of their 
country in the other. Missionaries as they were, thou- 
sands of miles from home, neglected by the Government, 
yet the love of country seemed to shine with constantly- 
increasing lustre. 

In addition to the missionaries, at the time of which we 
write, there was quite a population of agriculturists and 
traders in the near vicinity of each mission. These heartily 
co-operated with the missionaries and shared their anxieties. 
In 1840-41 many of them met and canvassed the subject 
whether they should make an attempt to organize a govern- 
ment under the Stars and Stripes, but they easily saw that 
they were outnumbered by the English, who were already 
organized, and were the real autocrats of the country. 

So the time passed until the fall of 1842, when Elijah 
White, an Indian agent for the Government in the North- 
west, brought a party of Americans, men, women and 
children, numbering one hundred and twenty, safely through 
to Waiilatpui. In this company was a more than usually 
intelligent, well-informed Christian gentleman, destined to 
fill an important place in our story, General Amos L. Love- 
joy. He was thoroughly posted in national affairs, and 
gave Dr. Whitman his first intimation of the probability 
that the Ashburton treaty would likely come to a crisis 



THE RACE FOR OREGON. I05 

before Congress adjourned in March, 1843. This related, 
as it was supposed, to the entire boundary between the 
United States and the EngHsh possessions. 

Whitman at once explained the situation to his wife 
and said that he felt impelled to go to Washington. She, 
as a missionary's wife, a courageous, true-hearted, patriotic 
woman, who loved and believed in her husband, at 
once consented. Under the rule the local members of the 
mission had to be consulted, and runners were at once 
despatched to the several stations, and all responded 
prompdy, as the demand was for their immediate presence. 

Dr. Eells, one of the noblest of the old missionaries, 
writes an account of that conference, and it is all the more 
valuable from the fact that he was opposed to the enterprise. 

Dr. Eells says : " The purpose of Dr. Whitman was fixed. 
In his estimation the saving of Oregon to the United States 
was of paramount importance, and he would make the at- 
tempt to do so, even if he had to withdraw from the mission 
in order to accomplish his purpose. In reply to considera- 
tions intended to hold Dr. Whitman to his assigned work, 
he said, ' I am not expatriated by becoming a missionary.' " 

Dr. Spalding says: " Dr. Whitman's last remarks were, 
as he mounted his horse for the long journey : * If the Board 
dismisses me, I will do what I can to save Oregon to the 
country. My life is of but litde worth if I cannot save this 
country to the American people.' " 

The doctor set about his active preparations, arranging 
his outfit and seeing that everything was in order. The next 
day he had a call to see a sick man at old Fort Walla Walla, 
and as he needed many articles for his journey that could 
be had there, he went with this double purpose. He found 
at the fort a score or more of traders, clerks and the lead- 
ing men of the Hudson Bay Company, assembled there. 



,q5 the race for OREGON. 

They were nearly all Englishmen, and the discussion soon 
turned upon the treaty, and the oudook, and, as might be 
inferred, was not cheering to Whitman. But his object 
was to gain information and not to argue. 

The dinner was soon announced, and the doctor sat 
down to a royal banquet with his jovial English friends. 
For no man was more highly esteemed by all, than was 
Whitman. The chief factor at Vancouver, McLoughlin, 
from the very outset of their acquaintance, took a liking to 
Doctor Whitman and his wife and in hundreds of cases 
showed them marked and fatherly kindnesses. 

But while the company were enjoying their repast, an 
express messenger of the company arrived from Fort 
Colville, three hundred and fifty miles up the Columbia, and 
electrified his audience by the announcement that a colony 
of one hundred and forty Englishmen and Canadians were 
on the road. 

In such a company it is easy to see such an announce- 
ment was exciting news. One young man threw his cap 
in the air and shouted, " Hurrah for Oregon — America is 
too late, we have got the country." 

On the morning of October 3, 1842, three days after the 
conference when the spirit was upon him, Whitman took 
such messages as were ready, and bidding a long good-bye 
to his wife and home, in company with a guide and three 
pack mules began that ever memorable journey — escorted 
for a long distance by many Cayuse braves. 

Dr. Barrows, in his volume " Oregon — the Struggle for 
Possession," says : " Upon the arrival of Dr. Whitman in 
St. Louis it was my good fortune that he should be quar- 
tered as a guest under the same roof and at the same table 
with me." Those interested in the news from the plains, 
the trappers and traders in furs and Indian goods, gathered 



THE RACE FOR OREGON. I07 

about him and beset him with a multitude of questions. 
Answering them courteously he in turn asked about Con- 
gress. Whether the Ashburton treaty had been concluded, 
and whether it covered the northwest territory ? The 
treaty he learned had been signed August 9th, long before 
he left Oregon, and had been confirmed by the Senate and 
signed by the President on November 10th, while he was 
floundering in the snow upon the mountains. 

But the Oregon question was still open, and the question 
he was eager to have answered was "Is the Oregon ques- 
tion still pending, and can I get there before Congress 
adjourns ? " The river was frozen, and he had to depend 
upon the stage, and even from St. Louis a journey to 
Washington in mid-winter at that time, was no small matter. 
But to a man like Whitman with muscles trained, and a 
brain which never seemed to tire, it was counted as nothing. 

It will require no stretch of imagination in any intelligent 
reader to suppose, that a man who had undergone the 
hardships and perils he had, would be at a loss how to pre- 
sent his case in the most forcible and best possible method. 
He was an educated man, a profound thinker; and he knew 
every phase of the question he had to present, and no man 
of discernment could look into his honest eyes and upon 
his manly bearing, without acknowledging that they were 
in the presence of the very best specimen of American 
Christian manhood. 

Both President Tyler and Secretary of State, Daniel 
Webster speedily granted him an audience. Some time 
in the future some great artist will paint a picture of this 
historic event. The old pioneer, in his leather breeches 
and worn and torn fur garments, and with frozen limbs, 
just in from a thousand-mile ride, is a picture by himself, 
but standing in the presence of the President and his great 



lo8 THE RACE FOR OREGON. 

secretary, to plead for Oregon and the old flag, the subject 
for a painter is second to none in American history. 

From the outset, and at every audience granted, Presi- 
dent Tyler treated Dr. Whitman with the greatest defer- 
ence. He was a new character in the experience of both 
these polished and experienced politicians. Never before 
had they listened to a man who so eloquently pleaded for 
the cause of his country, with no selfish aim in sight. He 
asked for no money, or bonds, or land, or office, or any- 
thing, except that which would add to the nation's wealth, 
the glory and honor of the flag, and the benefit of the 
hardy pioneer of that far-off land, that the nation had, for 
more than a third of a century, wholly neglected. It was a 
powerful appeal to the manly heart of President Tyler, and, 
as the facts show, was not lost on Secretary Webster. 

All Dr. Whitman demanded was that if it were true, as 
asserted by Mr. Webster himself, in his instructions to 
Edward Everett in 1840, then minister to England, that 
"The ownership of Oregon is veiy likely to follow the 
greater settlement and the larger amount of population ; " 
then "All I ask is that you won't barter away Oregon, or 
allow English interference until I can land a band of stalwart 
American settlers across the plains, for this I will try to do." 

President Tyler promptly and positively stated, "Dr. 
Whitman, your long ride and frozen limbs speak for your 
courage and patriotism, your missionary credentials are good 
vouchers for your character." And he promptly granted 
his request. Such promise was all that Whitman required. 
He firmly believed, as all the pioneers of Oregon at that 
time believed, that the treaty of 18 18, while not saying any- 
thing in direct terms, that the nationality setding the country 
should hold it, yet that was the real meaning. Both countries 
claimed the territory, and England with the smallest right- 




RODNEY'S VICTORY IN THE WEST INDIES. 



THE RACE FOR OREGON. Ill 

fill claim had, through the Hudson Bay Company, been the 
supreme autocratic ruler for a full third of a century. 

He left Independence, Missouri, in the month of May, 
1843, with an emigrant train of about one thousand souls 
for Oregon. With his energy and knowledge of the 
country, he rendered them great assistance in fording 
the many and rapid streams they had to cross, and finding 
a wagon road through many of the narrow and rugged 
passes of the mountains. He arrived at Waiilatpui about 
one year from the time he left, to find his home sadly 
dilapidated and his flouring mill burned. The Indians 
were very hostile to the Doctor for leaving them, and 
without doubt, owing to his absence the seeds of assassina- 
tion were sown by those haughty Cayuse Indians which 
resulted in his and Mrs. Whitman's death, with many 
others, although it did not take place until four years later. 

The expedition of Lewis and Clark supplemented the 
achievement of George Rogers Clark, the friend of Jeffer- 
son, who had the expedition up the Missouri and down 
the Oregon organized by his private secretary ; and the 
journey of Whitman from Oregon to Washington was the 
continuation by a missionary of the military exploration 
undertaken under the auspices of Jefferson, the purchaser 
of the wonderful annex to the nation, Louisiana, that 
seemed boundless and unsearchable, as an ocean un- 
measured. The British policy was at first to limit our 
America to the strip between the Atlantic and the Alleghe- 
nies, and they had drawn that mountain line on us, but 
were baffled by the hero Clark, and half a century later 
they attempted to bar, with the Rocky Mountain range, our 
march to the Pacific, and were discomfited by two journeys 
across the continent, one from the Potomac to the Colum- 
bia rivers, and the other from the Columbia to the Potomac. 
7 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES IN THE REVOLUTION. 

The French as Our AUies Beat the British at the Capes of Virginia, and were 
Beaten on the way to Attack Jamaica — The French Gift of Money to 
our Fathers— The French from Dobb's Ferry to Yorktown — The Count 
De Grasse who Beat the British at the Capes of Virginia was Beaten and 
Captured by Admiral Lord Rodney, April 8, 1781. 

Our fathers were seeing very hard times when the French 
concluded to help us, thinking they ought to regain their 
North American Colonies which they had lost when we as- 
sisted the British. Washington had helped drive the French 
down the Ohio, and now they were rendering Washington 
assistance to drive the British from the South Atlantic slope. 
Worst of all, our Revolutionary sires needed money, and 
Franklin wrote to the Count de Vergennes, asking a loan 
of 25,000,000 francs. He made a personal appeal, and 
added, " I am grown old and feel myself much enfeebled by 
my late long illness, and it is probable I shall not long have 
any more concern in these affairs. I therefore take this 
occasion to express my opinion to your Excellency, that the 
present conjuncture is critical ; that there is some danger 
lest the Congress should lose its influence over the people, 
it it is found unable to procure the aids that are wanted, 
and that the whole system of the new government in 
America may thereby be shaken ; that, if the English are 
suffered once to recover that country, such an opportunity 
of effectual separation as the present may not occur again 
in the course of ages ; and that the possession of those 
fertile and extensive regions, and that vast seacoast, will 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 113 

afford them so broad a basis for future greatness, by rapid 
growth of their commerce, and the breed of seamen and 
soldiers, as will enable them to become the terror of Europe, 
and to exercise with impunity that insolence which is so 
natural to their nation, and which will increase enormously 
with the increase of their power." 

While Franklin waited, Col. John Laurens was commis- 
sioned by Congress to promote the loan desired, and Frank- 
lin again became urgent, and the Count de Vergennes sent 
for him at length. " He assured me," Franklin wrote, " of 
the king's good will to the United States ; remarking, how- 
ever, that, being on the spot, I must be sensible of the great 
expense France was actually engaged in, and the difficulty 
of providing for it, which rendered the lending us twenty-five 
millions at present impracticable. But that to give the 
States a signal proof of his friendship, his Majesty had re- 
solved to grant them the sum of six millions, not as a loan, 
but as a free gift. This sum, the minister informed me, 
was exclusive of the three millions which he had before 
obtained for me, to pay the Congress drafts for interest, 
expected in the current year. He added, that, as it was 
understood, the clothing with which our army had been 
heretofore supplied from France, was often of bad quality, 
and dear, the ministers would themselves take care of the 
purchase of such articles as should be immediately wanted, 
and send them over; and it was desired of me to look over 
the great invoice that had been sent hither last year, and 
mark out those articles." 

This gift gave the revolted colonies a credit, and as Parton 
says contributed essentially to the success of the campaign 
which ended in the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at York- 
town. The sum total of money obtained from France at 
the solicitation of Franklin was twenty-six millions of francs; 



jj . THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 

in 1777 two millions; in 1778, three millions; in 1779, one 
million; in 1780, four millions; in 1781, ten millions; in 
1782, six millions. These aids were given at a time when 
France herself was at war, and while the minister of finance, 
M. Necker, constantly opposed the grants. 

On the 6th of July, 1781, General Rochambeau, with his 
army, formed a junction with General Washington, near 
" Dobbs' Ferry," on the Hudson. The Americans en- 
camped in two lines, with their right resting on that river. 
The French occupied the left, in a single line extending to 
the river Bronx. The united forces meditated an attack 
upon New York and were for six weeks uncertain when to 
strike. General Rochambeau had corresponded with Count 
de Grasse in reference to operating upon the southern 
coast, presenting "a picture of the distresses of the south- 
ern States, and, above all, of Virginia, which had nothing to 
oppose the inroads of Lord Cornwallis, but a small body 
of troops under Lafayette." While hesitating to make the 
general attack above mentioned, there was received at 
Newport, from Count de Grasse, a letter, stating that he 
should soon sail from St. Domingo with his entire fleet, 
having on board three thousand two hundred land troops, 
to be employed in the Chesapeake. This letter was for- 
warded to General Washington. The time that the Count 
had prescribed for this operation was between the middle 
of August and the middle of October. Such intelligence 
led at once to a change in the plan of operation. Further 
immediate attempt upon New York was abandoned, and 
the two generals decided upon a campaign in Virginia, to 
act against Cornwallis. Yorktown, therefore, became the 
second objective point. 

On the 3 1 St day of August, Count de Grasse arrived in the 
Chesapeake with a squadron of twenty-eight ships of the line, 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 



115 



and six frigates, having on board three thousand three hun- 
dred land troops, commanded by the Marquis de Saint Simon. 
With the aid of boats, manned by fifteen hundred sailors 
from the squadron of De Grasse, they were landed at James- 
town on the 2d of September. On the 5th, Admiral Graves 
appeared off Chesapeake Bay. The Count de Grasse im- 
mediately cut his cables, went out to meet him, gave battle 
and gained a victory, presaging a greater soon to be ob- 
tained.* In this engagement the British ship " Terrible " 
was severely damaged, and, unable to be kept afloat, was 
set on fire and destroyed. 

The French fleet lost in this affair the Sieurs de Boacles, 
captain of a man-of-war, commanding the " Reflechi," Dape 
d'Orvault, lieutenant of a man-of-war, and major of the blue 
squadron; Rhaab, ensign of a man-of-war, a Swede, on 
the " Caton ; " de la Villeon, an auxiliary officer on the 
"Diademe"; eighteen officers were wounded, and about two 
hundred men killed and wounded. Washinoton called on 
the victorious De Grasse, and on the American chief's 
reaching the quarter deck, the admiral flew to embrace him, 
imprinting the French salute upon each cheek. Hugging 
him in his arms, he exclaimed, '■'• My dear little General!'' 
De Grasse was of lofty stature; but the term petit or small, 
when applied to the majestic and commanding person of 
Washington, produced an effect upon the risible qualities 
of all present not to be described. The Frenchmen, gov- 
erned by the rigid etiquette of the ancient regiine, controlled 
their mirth as best they could; but our own jolly Knox, 
regardless of all rules, laughed, and that aloud, till his fat 
sides shook again.* 

The fleet of Count de Grasse comprised the following 
vessels : 

* Custis's Recollections, p. 236. 



ii6 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 



VESSELS. NO. GUNS. 

Ville de Paris 104 

Auguste 8o 

Languedoc 80 

Sceptre 80 

Saint Esprit 80 

Cesar 74 

Destin 74 

Victoire ....... 74 

Northumberland ... 74 

I'ahnier 74 

riuton 74 

Marseillais 74 

Bourgogne 74 

Reflcchi 74 

Diademe 74 

Caton 74 

Citoyen 74 

Scipion 74 

Magnanime 74 

Hercule 74 

Zele 74 

Hector 74 

Souverain 74 

Glorieux 74 

Vaillant 70 

Solitaire 64 

Triton 64 

Experiment 50 



CAPTAINS. 

j De Grasse, Lieutenant-General. 

I De Vaugirault, Major de TArmee. 

f De Bougainville, Chef d'Escadre. 

1 Castellan. 

f De Monteil, Chef d'Escadre. 

1 Duplessis Parscau. 
. De Vaudreuil. 
. De Chabert. 
. Coriolis d'Espinouse. 
. Dumaitz de Goimpy. 
. D'Albert Saint-Hyppolite. 
. De Briqueville. 
. D'Arros d'Argelos. 
. D'Albert de Rions. 
. De Castellane de Masjastre. 
. De Charitte 
. Cillart de Suville. 
. De Monteclerc. 
. De Framond. 
. D'Ethy. 
. De Clavel. 
. Le Begue. 

. De Turpin de Breuil. 
. De Gras Preville. 
. Renaud d'Aleins. 
. De Glanedeves. 
. D'Escars. 

. Chevalier Bernard de Marigny. 
. De Cice Champion. 
. Brun de Boades. 



The fleet of Admiral de Grasse numbered fourteen ves- 
sels, with a few exceptions the same that M. Destouches 
had commanded and turned over to him. 

The French fleet, with ability to beat off that of the British 
from the Chesapeake, was an essential factor in the capture 
of Cornwallis. At this time the question whether the British 
or French were the greater sea power was unsettled, and 
it was Rodney's famous victory over the Comte de Grasse 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 



117 



in the West Indies in April, 1781, that has been held by 
British writers to have "avenged Yorktown." 

Writing on his flagship "Formidable," April 14, 1781, 
Admiral Lord Rodney said : 

" It has pleased God, out of his Divine Providence, to grant his Majesty's 
arms a most complete victory over the fleet of his enemy, commanded by 
Comte de Grasse, who is himself captured, with the ' Ville de Paris ' and four 
other ships of his fleet, besides one sunk in the action. 

" This important victory was obtained on the I2th instant, after a battle which 
lasted, with unremitting fury, from seven in the morning till half past six in the 
evening, when the setting sun put an end to the contest. 

" Both fleets have greatly suffered, but it is with the highest satisfaction I 
can assure their Lordships, that though the masts, sails, rigging and hulls of 
the British fleet are damaged, yet the loss of men has been but small, considering 
the length of the battle, and the close action they so long sustained." 

The British loss was, killed, 240 ; wounded, 797. It had 
seemed to be the French Admiral's intention to reach the 
harbor of Cape Francois without hazarding an action with 
a superior fleet. For this purpose, after leaving Martin- 
ique he kept to windward, steering close to the island of 
Dominique ; and it appeared that he intended to continue 
his course near the islands, keeping his convoy between 
the ships and the shore. He might be encouraged to hope 
that he would be successful in avoiding an action, as he had 
on a former occasion completed the conquest of Tobago, 
notwithstanding the presence of the British naval force, and 
as he well knew the difficulty of bringing on a battle with a 
great fleet, inclined to avoid it. 

But the prospect of advantage which presented itself to 
the French Admiral on the 9th was the occasion of his defeat 
on the 1 2th, It was the apparent opportunity of disabling 
the van of the British fleet, whilst the centre and rear were 
becalmed, which the Comte de Grasse had not sufficient 
prudence to resist, and this fixed his fate and that of the 
expedition. 



jl3 THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 

The French flagship, the " Ville de Paris," had on board 
a great quantity of specie, and was considered the finest 
ship afloat. She was presented by the city of Paris to Louis 
XV. at the close of the preceding war, and no pains or ex- 
pense had been spared upon her; she measured 2,300 tons. 
It is said that she cost, in building and fitting her for sea, 
no less than ^156,000. The " Caesar " was also a very fine 
ship, but was burnt on the night after her capture, by which 
accident 400 of her crew, as well as a lieutenant and 50 
British seamen, perished. It is singular that not one of the 
French ships captured on this day ever reached England, the 
"Ville de Paris," "Hector" and " Glorieux " foundering 
on their passage home. 

Unaccustomed as England had been to a decisive victory, 
this affair caused unbounded satisfaction, and Sir George 
Rodney and Sir Samuel Hood were both elevated to the 
peerage, and Rear-Admiral Drake and Commodore Affleck 
created baronets. Public monuments in Westminster Abbey 
were also ordered to be erected to the memory of the three 
captains who fell in the action. 

The circumstances of the battle were most interesting : 

" On the morning of the 8th of April a signal was made through a chain of 
frigates stationed between St. Lucie and Martinique, that the enemy's fleet had 
unmoored and were proceeding to sea. Upon this the British fleet, at that 
moment in complete readiness, took up their anchors, and in little more than 
two hours were all under weigh, standing towards the enemy with all the sail 
they could crowd. It was the decided policy of the French commander not on 
any account to hazard a battle, the sole object of the expedition being that of 
joining a large sea and land force of the Spaniards then waiting at Cape Fran- 
(jois in order to proceed against Jamaica with their joint armament, amounting 
to the overwhelming force of near fifty ships of the line, and twenty thousand 
land troops." 

When the account of the preliminaries of peace arrived 
in the West Indies, the Marquis de Bouille, the Governor 
of Martinique, heretofore our determined enemy, and whose 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 



119 



name is so well known in the history of the French revolu- 
tion, dined with Admiral Pigot one day in Gros Islet Bay, 
and in the frankness of conversation told us what their 
plan was had the war continued. The whole naval force of 
our allied enemies were to have rendezvoused in Constant 
Bay, Tobago, to the amount of fifty or sixty sail of the line, 
and a proportionate land force, sufficient for a sweeping 
conquest of the whole of our sugar colonies, from Barba- 
does to Jamaica. So confident were the Spaniards of their 
success in this expedition, that Don Galvez, the officer who 
was to command it, before he sailed from the " Havana," 
was addressed in council as Governor 0/ Jamaica. 

The French made an effort to keep out of the way, for 
they were on a great enterprise, but the wind did not favor 
them, and the final movement of Rodney was much like 
that a quarter of a century back, of Nelson at Trafalgar. 
The comparative force of the fleet was thus figured out : 

" The sum total of the weight of a broadside of the French fleet exceeded 
that of the British fleet by four thousand three hundred and ninety-six pounds; 
and although the number of our guns exceeded that of theirs by one hundred 
and fifty-six, their lower-deck batteries, in ships of seventy-four guns and 
upwards, consist of thirty- six pounders, which, according to the difference of 
the pound of the two nations, are equal to our forty-two pounders, and gave 
the enemy the above-mentioned preponderance of metal on the whole amount. 
The difference in the number of men was still more considerable ; for besides 
that the French have a much greater complement of men to the same tonnage, 
they had the assistance of a large body of land forces. 

" After the surrender of the ' Ville de Paris ' the Admiral sent Lord Cranstoun, 
one of the captains of the ' Formidable,' on board of that ship to beg the Comte 
de Grasse to remain there at his ease if he chose. He came voluntarily on 
board the ' Formidable ' next morning and remained there for two days, during 
which time I had a great deal of conversation with him and his officers. 

" He bears his reverse of fortune with equanimity, conscious, as he says, that 
he has done his duty, and I found him very affable and communicative. I told 
him that the people of England had begun to despair of the safety of Jamaica, 
fearing that he was to complete his career of success by taking it. He said 
that he would have done so had his court kept their word by sending him twelve 
ships of the line in November, as they promised. 



I20 THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 

" The fate of the ' Csesar,' one of the French ships captured, has been truly 
pitiable. The night of the action, soon after dark, she took fire by an English 
marine carrying a candle below in search of liquor, and a cask of spirits catching 
fire, the flames spread so fast that they could not be extinguished. After burn- 
ing for some time till the fire reached the powder magazine, the ship blew up — 
the second horrid spectacle of this kind to which I have been witness, having 
also seen the explosion of the ' St. Domingo,' a Spanish ship of the line, in the 
action off Cape St. Vincent, two years before. The French captain, who had 
been severely wounded, the English officer who boarded her, together with 
the greater part of the men on board, both British and French, perished. Some 
saved themselves before the explosion ; others, who survived it, and clung to 
parts of the wreck, were most of them either overwhelmed in the waves, or 
miserably scorched with the flames ; and those who attempted to save them 
relate, that they saw a spectacle too horrible to describe — the men who clung 
to the wreck torn off by the voracious sharks which always swarm in these seas 
after an engagement, and were not yet glutted with the carnage of the preceding 
day.'' 

In one of Admiral Lord Rodney's letters he says : 

" Comte de Grasse, who is at this moment sitting in my stern gallery, tells me 
that he thought his fleet superior to mine, and does so still, though I had two 
more in number; and I am of his opinion, as his was composed all of large 
ships, and ten of mine only sixty-fours. 

•' I am of opinion that the French will not face us again this war, for the 
ships which have escaped are so shattered and their loss of men so great, that 
I am sure they will not be able to repair or replace either in the West Indies. 
Had it not been for this fortunate event, Jamaica had been gone. 

'' The unwelcome news of the defeat of De Grasse was received by the French 
king with great firmness and magnanimity. Assembling his council, ' We must 
not suffer ourselves,' said the monarch, 'to be cast down by this first reverse. 
We ought, on the contrary, to redouble our zeal, and repair the consequences 
of it. Monsieur de Castries, give orders for the speedy construction of twelve 
more ships. I shall take care that the brave men who fell in the battle shall be 
replaced. I do not intend, however, that the surplus of the expense of this 
augmentation shall fall upon my people ; I will sooner pledge my jewels to 
supply it. Let them go to work immediately in the dockyards; I will take care 
that money shall not be wanting. My enemies are mistaken if they rely on 
this success to rise in their demands. Monsieur de Vergennes, you know that 
I will make no alteration in the conditions on which I have resolved to establish 
peace. I will have the honor of my arms repaired.' " 

But he had lost the great game played for, the mastery 
of the sea. 



THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 121 

Francis Joseph Paul de Grasse-Rouville, Count de Grasse, 
Marquis de Tilly, son of Fran9ois de Grasse Rouville, Mar- 
quis de Grasse, a captain in the army, was born September 
13, 1722^ at Bar. He entered the French navy, and in 1775 
was Captain of the " Robuste, 74," in which vessel he took 
part in the engagement off Ouessant in July, 1 778. In 1 779 
he was Commodore of four ships of the line in active ser- 
vice. He was with D'Estaing in the campaign against 
Granada and in the siege of Savannah. He afterwards 
distinguished himself in the West Indies (1780). The King 
raised him to the rank of Admiral, and gave him the com- 
mand of the West India fleet, which had been under D'Es- 
taing and Guichen — an act that awakened ill feeling towards 
him in many naval officers. One account says that he 
obtained this command " by his intrigues at court," while 
another states that he reluctantly accepted it, and did so 
only when " the King insisted on being obeyed." After 
the capture of Yorktown, de Grasse was engaged in various 
naval operations until captured by Admiral Rodney, April 
12, 1782. From this time he fell into disfavor with the 
King, and though exonerated from blame for the results of 
that action, he never aofain encrasfed in active service. He 
died January 14, 1788. A French maritime historian 
(Gue.''in) says of him, " Brave and good as a captain of a 
ship, the Count de Grasse was an embarrassing commodore, 
and a still more ill-starred admiral." Washington, in a 
letter to Count de Rochambeau, speaks of him as "our 
gallant coadjutor in the capture of Cornwallis," and as one 
whose name " will be long deservedly dear to this country 
on account of his successful co-operation in the former 
campaign of 1781." 

Count de Grasse was married three times. By his first 
wife he had six children, who, during the French Revolution, 



122 THE FRENCH AS OUR ALLIES. 

came as exiles to the United States. Of the daughters, 
who Hved for a time in Salem, Massachusetts, the late Rev. 
William Bentley, D.D., pastor of the East Church in that 
town, made in his diary the following record : 

"1795, Feb. 21. Wrote a certificate for the daughters 
of Count de Grasse, named Amelia Maxima Rosalia Grasse, 
Justina Adelias Maxima Grasse, Melanina Veronica Maxima 
Grasse, Sylvia Alexandrina Maxima Grasse. They arrived 
from France at Boston, July 7, 1794, and have since lived 
at this town, chiefly at Robertson's, and lately at Col. Pick- 
man's house adjoining to his mansion. They have behaved 
well." 

His eldest son, Alexander Francois Auguste Rouville, 
Count de Grasse, Marquis de Tilly, was made, by the gov- 
ernment, Engineer of Georgia and the Carolinas, while 
upon his sisters was settled a pension of ^i.ooo to each 
and $400 a year (see Annals, 3d and 5th Cong.), "a fitting 
return to the family of one who mortgaged his private 
estates to enable him to carry to Washington the money 
needed for the army."* 

The youngest sister, Sylvia, was married to M. Francis 
de Pau, and died in New York, Januarys, 1855, aged 83 
years, leaving two sons and five daughters. 

* Introduction to Goussencourt's Journal, p. 23. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 

The Ranger, Eighteen Guns, was the First American Vessel to Sail Under the 
Stars and Stripes — "Old Glory " First Saluted by a French Admiral in 
1778 — The First Battle Fought Under the American Flag at Sea — The 
Capture of the Drake — Paul Jones' Attack on Whitehaven — The 
Attempt to Capture the Earl of Selkirk — The Fight of the Boft Homme 
Richard din A the Serapis — Sketch of the Life of Paul Jones — His Service 
in the Russian Navy, and His Death in Paris. 

The first United States man-of-war flying the flag of 
thirteen stripes and thirteen stars was the eighteen-gun 
ship Ranger, under command of Captain John Paul Jones. 
The flag was hoisted by him on June 14, 1777, the date of 
Congress' resolution adopting the present national emblem, 
and the first nation to salute "Old Glory" was France, 
when an Admiral in the French Navy returned the salute 
from the Rmtger in Quiberon Bay. The amount of dam- 
age done by the Ranger in destroying British shipping, in 
attacking not only her vessels, but making assaults upon 
the English coast, was tremendous. 

The Ranges'' s first battle of any consequence was with 
the D7'ake. This occurred on, April 24, 1778, off the coast 
of Ireland. The two ships were so close together that the 
commands on either vessel were audible to the other. 
Captain Jones opened the engagement with a broadside, 
which was instantly replied to by the enemy. 

In an account of this battle, by John R. Spears, the fol- 
lowing is given : 

" After a litde, the four topsail yards of the Drake were 
cut in two at the masts, and hung useless. The mizzen- 

123 



124 JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 

gaff was shot away, and dropped. The rigging and sails 
were in tatters, worse yet, blood was trickling from her 
scuppers because of the dead and wounded on her deck. 
Her commander, Captain Burdon, was killed by a musket 
ball through his brain. Among the wounded was the 
first lieutenant, who was mortally hurt. The flag first spread 
on the Drake was shot away, but they raised another. This, 
too, was shot away, and, falling overboard, it dragged in the 
water. A little later, and just as the sun was going down 
behind the Irish hills, the cry for quarter was raised on the 
Drake, and the battle came to an end. 

The Ranger in this fight had eighteen guns, the Drake 
carried twenty. The Ranger s crew numbered one hun- 
dred and twenty-three, the Dj-ake had one hundred and 
fifty-one on her books, and, in addition to these, had taken 
on a number of volunteers from the shore, who had been 
anxious to help whip the Yankees. These raised the num- 
ber of her crew to one hundred and sixty by the lowest ac- 
count, and one hundred and ninety by the highest. The 
Ranger lost two killed, including Lieutenant Wallingsford, 
and six wounded. The Drake lost forty-two killed and 
wounded. The odds had been against him, but the honors 
remained with John Paul Jones. 

There has been a romantic splendor always in the name 
of John Paul Jones. There is not a school boy in America 
who does not hold him as one of the few first favorites 
among our heroes, and all can tell as a familiar story his 
tremendous batde with the old and shattered French ship 
under him, against the solid, hard-fighting Englishman ; 
how there was fire and water in contention for the mastery 
and no surrender on either side until the last call had been 
made for the utmost endurance. How Paul Jones hurled 
his pistol at the head of the panicky subordinate who ran 



[ 



JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 125 

to Strike the flag-, and the indomitable captain, after the 
marvelously protracted combat, was asked, as his standard 
was shot away, whether he surrendered, and answered that 
he was only beginning to fight, and came out conqueror. 
It is remembered that all this was in English waters, held in 
the greatest esdmation as glorious, because it was a chal- 
lenge to England on her own wide dominion, in sight of 
her dominadng shores, — the whole enterprise and combat 
guided by an intelligence as luminous as the inspiradon of 
the adventure was daring. 

The daring character of Jones is shown in the story of 
his attack on Whitehaven, on the coast of England, a sea- 
port of considerable prominence. Two boats were lowered 
from the Ranger each manned by fifteen men, armed 
with cudasses and pistols; Jones commanding the one and 
his lieutenant, Wallingford, the other boat. It was their 
mtendon to destroy the two hundred and twenty vessels 
lying there. Wallingford was ordered to take possession 
of the north side of the harbor, while Jones landed at the 
town. Whitehaven was guarded, at that dme, by two forts 
commanding thirty-eight guns. Both of these forts Jones 
captured, spiking the guns and locking up the guards. 
Wallingford, for some unknown reason, returned to the 
ship without accomplishing anything, but Jones, with his 
fourteen men held the town and fired the shipping in the 
face of thousands of the inhabitants, among which were no 
less than twelve hundred sailors. Single handed, Jones 
held off this crowd with an old flint lock pistol, finally 
entering his boat after giving the fire an opportunity to 
make good headway. Before Jones was well out in the 
Bay the townspeople found a few cannon which had been 
overlooked by him. These they brought to bear upon 
him in such an unsteady manner as to produce no other 



126 JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 

result than to receive in return, sarcastically, a single shot 
from the pistol of Jones. 

While cruising off the east coast of Scotland between 
the Solway and the Clyde, Jones tried to capture the Earl 
of Selkirk in order to secure a noted prisoner for exchange. 
The earl had been an old friend of Jones' father. His seat 
was at the mouth of the Dee, and there, in his boyhood, 
our hero had gamboled under the shadow of its majestic 
oaks. He anchored his vessel in the Solway at noon, and 
with a few men in a single boat, he landed at a wooded 
promontory on which the earl's fine estate lay. He learned 
that his lordship was not at home. Greatly disappointed, 
he ordered his men back to the boat intending to call again 
later. His lieutenant, however, a large and fiery seaman, 
proposed to go to the mansion and plunder it of the family 
plate. Jones would not listen to this proposition, for the 
memory of old associations softened his heart toward the 
old Lady Selkirk, who had been very kind to him in his 
youth. His lieutenant insisted, however, on carrying out 
his plans and was seconded by the crew who were eager 
for prize money, and in defiance of his expostulations they 
went to the house and demanded the plate. The frightened 
Lady Selkirk surrendered it with her own hands. Later 
Jones bought these treasures and sent them back to Lady 
Selkirk with a letter of regret, apologizing for the annoy- 
ance she had been subjected to. 

During the early part of 1779 Jones, with a fleet of five 
vessels, left the French port of the L'Orient in the middle 
of August, to cruise off the coast of England and Scotland. 
His flagship was the Bon Homme Richard. While making 
an attack on several armed British vessels in the harbor 
of Leith, a storm arose driving him into the North Sea, 
thus preventing him from attacking several English war 



T?^ 




'^ \ 





SEA FIGHT IN 1861. 



JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 129 

ships. He created great excitement and alarm along the 
Scottish coast, capturing many prizes. On the 23d of Sep- 
tember, while off the mouth of the Humber, he discovered 
a fleet of British merchantmen convoyed by the Serapis 
and Countess of Scarborough. Jones at once signaled to 
crowd on all sail and give chase. All of the vessels of his 
squadron immediately answered his signals and got under 
way, excepting the Alliance, commanded by Captain Lan- 
dais. Before the American ships got within gunshot of the 
enemy, darkness had set in. The fight began, however, in 
the gloom of night, and was one of the most desperate 
sea ficrhts on record. The Boii Homme Richard and 
Serapis, came so close to each other that their spars and 
rigging became entangled. Jones, taking advantage of 
the opportunity, made a rush for the deck of the British 
ship, but after a short contest with pike, pistol and cutlass, 
was repulsed. The vessels, in the meantime, separated 
and there began a fearful broadside fire with the guns 
muzzle to muzzle. Both vessels were dreadfully shattered, 
and at one time the Serapis was ablaze in a dozen places. 
Just as the moon rose at half past nine o'clock, the Richard 
took fire and began to sink. Jones seeing that his ship 
could not last much longer, again began to board the 
British vessel and a terrific hand to hand fight ensued. 
The light of the flames of the burning ships revealed to 
Jones that the main mast of his antagonist was almost in 
two. He quickly ordered it shot away and within an instant 
the British ship was made helpless. 

The marines fought with the fury of madmen until 
the Serapis struck her colors. Jones hastily transferred 
his men to the conquered ship and the Poor Richard 
went down. So desperate was the engagement that 
of the three hundred and seventy-five men on board 
8 



I30 JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 

the fleet of Jones, three hundred were either killed or 
wounded. 

As Pearson handed his sword to Jones he said, in a surly 
tone, "It is very painful to deliver up my sword to a man 
who has fought with a rope around his neck." Jones had 
been declared a pirate by the British government and he 
would have been hung had he been captured. Pearson, for 
his plucky attempt to capture Jones was knighted by the 
King. Jones on hearing of this said, " Well, he deserves 
it, and if I fall on him again I will make a lord of him." 
The battle lasted three hours, and in that time Jones had 
lost the Bon Homme Richard and had taken the Serapis. 
For this victory Congress gave Jones the thanks of the 
Nation and a gold medal. 

The news of this wonderful victory excited the world 
and respect for American bravery increased. The battle 
was bloody and unprecedented in naval warfare. For an 
hour and a half the Serapis, a large British frigate, engaged 
the Poor Richard within musket shot. Then the vessels, 
both in a sinking condition, were run alongside and lashed 
together. During the battle, the Alliance, one of Jones' 
vessels under Captain Landais, came up and fired a broad- 
side into the stern of the Bon Homme Richard, thereby 
intending, it is thought, to kill Jones and take the Serapis 
in her disabled condition in order to gain the glory. The 
Scarborough was captured after an hour's battle by the 
Pallas under Captain Cottineau. 

John Paul Jones was born July 6, 1747, in Scotland. His 
father, John Paul, was a gardener. When only eighteen our 
hero commanded a vessel trading with the West Indies. 
In 1773 he came to Virginia to take charge of the estate of 
his brother who died there. When war broke out in the 
colonies he offered his services to Congress, and was made 



JOHN PAUL JONES AND THE FLAG. 131 

first lieutenant in the navy in December, 1775. Out of 
gratitude to General Jones, of North Carolina, he assumed 
his name ; before that he was John Paul. He was a bold 
commander and gathered up many valuable prizes. He 
was made captain in the fall of 1776, and given command 
of the Alfred. One of his first acts was to destroy the 
fisheries at Port Royal, Nova Scotia, capturing a great 
number of vessels and freight. In 1 777 he sailed to Europe 
in the Ranger, the first American ship that sailed under 
the stars and stripes, and in 1778 received from a French 
commander the first salute ever given to the American flag 
by a foreign man-of-war. 

Congress gave him a gold medal and a commission as 
commander of the America, which was soon after presented 
to France. Jones entered the service of Russia as rear 
admiral in 1787, and in consequence of a victory over the 
Turks he was made vice admiral and knighted. On his 
death in Paris the National Assembly decreed him a public 
funeral. It is, however, not known where he is buried. 

This chapter could not be more fitly closed than by re- 
curring to the first time our flag floated over a ship of war, 
the first battle fought at sea under the flag, and the glorious 
engagement of everlasting fame between the Bo7t Homme 
Richard 2in<\ the Serapis, written not only in fiery characters 
and made resplendent in letters of gold in the triumphs of 
the brave, but so truly recorded in pages that shall outlast 
tablets of brass and marble, carved deep with familiar trib- 
utes, and above all shining in letters of light in the halls of 
memory, haunted with the glories that will be cherished 
through all time, through the decorations that rise in lustre 
and fade into the shadows, that all but the immortals are 
and pursue. 



CHAPTER IX. 

WAR WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. . 

Our Navy at the Beginning of the Century — The War with the Barbary 
Pirates — Picturesque and Deadly Fighting at Tripoh — The Glory of 
Decatur — The Praise of Nelson — Hand to Hand Fighting — Decatur 
Kills his Brother's Murderers — The Burning of the Philadelphia and 
the Awful Fate of the Fire Ship. 

It was in the first year of the century now so old that the 
Americans proposed in the name of Christian civilization to 
put an end to the slave trade and piracy on the Mediterra- 
nean of the Barbary States, and sent a squadron there. 
It consisted of the President, Captain James Barron ; the 
Philadelphia, Captain Samuel Barron ; the Essex, Captain 
William Bainbridge, and the twelve-gunned schooner En- 
terprise, under command of Lieutenant Andrew Sterrett. 
The first fight with the pirates occurred on August i, 1801. 
The Ejiterprise attacked the Tripoli^ of fourteen guns and 
eighty men. When the battle had raged for two hours at 
point blank range the Tripoli s flag was lowered. Lieu- 
tenant Porter put off in a boat to take possession, while the 
crew of the Enterprise turned to repair damages to their 
^iggi"g. thereat the pirates opened a murderous fire and 
hoisted the red flag again. After a fierce conflict the Cor- 
sairs once more hauled down their flag. Porter was on his 
way again to take possession when they renewed battle 
more vigorously than ever. 

'• Sink the damned, treacherous creatures to the bottom ! " 

said Sterrett. Exasperated by the treachery they had seen, 

the crew started in to obey the order with a will, and the 

Corsair captain saw his fate before him. He begged for 

132 



IVAI? WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 1 33 

quarter, and it was granted to him. The enemy had lost 
twenty killed and twenty-eight wounded. The Enterprise 
did not lose a man. Congress gave Sterrett a sword and 
every other member of the crew a month's pay because of 
the heroic action. 

A decided disaster was that of the loss of the frigate 
Philadelphia, on October 31, 1803. She was in charge 
of Captain William Bainbridge aiding in the blockade of 
Tripoli. When he saw a Corsair stealing into port under 
a strong breeze he chased the enemy that hugged the coast. 
Suddenly the Philadelphia struck a reef, the bow rose 
high from the water, and in the tremendous shock sailors 
were thrown to the decks. Everything was done to get 
her from her dangerous position, even to cutting her fore- 
mast and throwing overboard many of her guns. The gun- 
boats of the enemy thereupon attacked the grounded 
frigate. The Americans replied as best they could, but soon 
the Philadelphia keeled over and was helpless. The 
mao-azine was flooded and the ship scutded. Three hun- 
dred and fifteen men were forced to surrender to the 
pirates. Two days later a high tide raised the stern of the 
Philadelphia, the pirates repaired the damage which had 
been done to her and hauled her off. The Bashaw of 
Tripoli, with his American prisoners held for ransom, and 
with the Philadelphia added to his fleet, was now a dan- 
gerous enemy. 

It became absolutely necessary that the Philadelphia 
be recaptured, or, if necessary, destroyed. Lieutenant- 
commander Charles Stewart, who had recendy arrived with 
the brig Siren, of eighteen guns, offered his services to 
Commodore Preble, although the latter was pledged to in- 
trust the service to Decatur, it was decided that Lieutenant 
Stewart should be allowed to co-operate. A letter was 



134 IVAJ? WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 

received from Captain Bainbridge from his prison in Trip- 
oli, written with lemon juice, legible on being held to the 
fire, suggesting various plans for annoying the enemy, 
and among them that of destroying the Philadelphia by 
surprise. The Ketch, Mastico, which Decatur had re- 
cently captured, offered a suitable vessel for the under- 
taking. She was taken into the service under the name of 
the Intrepid. 

The thrilling story is told by McKenzie. It is to the 
great credit of the American navy that its ranks are always 
filled with men ready to volunteer for any hazardous duty, 
and when Stephen Decatur mustered the men on the quar- 
ter deck of the Enterprise and briefly told them of the 
services required of them, it is related that every officer, 
man and boy came forward in a body. The gallant wish 
of all could not be gratified. Lieutenant Decatur selected 
James Lawrence, Joseph Bainbridge and Jonathan Thorne. 
He also took his surgeon, Lewis Hermann, and his favorite 
midshipman, Thomas Macdonough. Sixty-two of the best 
of the crew were chosen, and the whole went gladly to the 
Intrepid. They were joined by Midshipman Ralph Izard, 
John Rowe, Alexander Laws, Charles Morris and John 
Davis. A Sicilian pilot, Salvadoro Catalano, well acquainted 
with the harbor of Tripoli, was chosen. To make the exact 
number of the crew ordered by his superior, Decatur added 
to his men Midshipman Thomas O. Anderson. Full of 
hope of distinction and patriotic excitement, this litde band 
of adventurers set sail in company with the Siren. 

After a pleasant passage the two vessels arrived in sight 
of Tripoli on the seventeenth of February, when one of 
the heavy gales common to the neighborhood forced the 
vessels to stand out to sea. For six days they were almost 
at the mercy of the wind and waves, with scant food, but 



I 



IVAJi WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. I 35 

with brave hearts. In order to form a just estimate of the 
hazard of Decatur's proposed attack it should be stated 
that the Philadelphia had forty guns mounted, all double 
shotted and ready for firing. She was moored within half 
gun-shot of the Bashaw's castle and the other batteries of 
the local fortifications. Three Tripolitan cruisers, mount- 
ing together twenty-six guns, two galleys and nineteen gun- 
boats, lay between her and the shore. It had been the 
intention to make the attack together with the Siren, but 
as Decatur got nearer the harbor he did not dare to trust 
to the uncertain weather, and decided to make the attack 
with the Intrepid alone. He assigned each of his men to 
a special service, and addressed to them a last word of 
appeal in behalf of their country, their brother officers and 
seamen in captivity. 

He then steered boldly towards the Philadelphia, aided 
by the faint illumination of a crescent moon, and when the 
wind had become very light and the progress of the Intre- 
pid was scarcely perceptible she stole slowly onward 
towards her big foe. The Intrepid got within twenty yards 
of the Philadelphia when she was spied and ordered to 
keep off". The pilot, Catalano, previously instructed by 
Decatur, cried out that he had lost his anchors in the late 
gale and asked that he might be permitted to run a warp 
to the frigate and ride by her until anchors could be ob- 
tained from the shore. The pirates soon spied the Siren 
which was just coming in, but Catalano with great tact 
informed them that she was the Transfer, a former British 
man of war which had been purchased at Malta to serve 
Tripoli. 

During this talk one of the Intrepid' s boats shoved off 
and pulled to the forechains of the Philadelphia, where she 
made fast. The pirates suddenly raised the cry of " Ameri- 



136 IVAI? WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 

canos." Decatur sprang at the main chains of the Phila- 
delphia^ calling out to his men " Board." 

He clamored over the rail and reached the enemies' deck, 
being preceded a bit by Midshipman Charles Morris, and 
followed by Midshipman Laws, and quickly in succession 
over the ports and rail followed the other officers and the 
crew. Decatur drew his men up and then rushed sword 
in hand upon the Tripolitans. — [Alexander S. McKenzie, 
pages sixty-four to seventy-five]. 

It was impossible to ascertain the number slain, but it 
was estimated as being between twenty and thirty. The 
enemy beaten escaped in boats to the shore. 

S. Putnam Waldo in his account says Decatur found 
himself in complete possession of the Philadelphia^ and in 
command upon the same deck which his gallant father had 
commanded before him. There was no chance of saving 
the ship, for there was no wind. The Bashaw's troops had 
commenced a tremendous fire from their batteries and the 
castle, and the gun-boats and Corsairs were also pouring 
their fire into the Philadelphia. Decatur set fire to the 
ship. A favorable breeze rose at this moment which blew 
the Intrepid^ with its gallant crew, directly out of the reach 
of the enemy's cannon, and enabled Decatur and his men 
to behold at a safe distance the burning Philadelphia. As 
the flames heated the loaded cannon in the frigate they 
were discharged, those pointing into the city of Tripoli 
doing great damage. Spears states the thrilling story in 
these terms : " With poles and oars the Americans strove to 
get away, the flames on the Philadelphia reached her 
tarred rigging at the rail, running thence to the masthead 
they made such giant torches as to illuminate the whole 
boat and expose the fleeing party as if in the light of day. 
All eyes were for a moment dazzled with the blazing light. 



IVAJ? WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 1 37 

and then came a shock and roar that made the earth and 
sea shudder. The fire had reached the magazine and the 
Philadelphia was blown to atoms. 

The waves from the explosion came out to rock the 
triumphant Americans in their little boat, rapidly reaching 
their shipmates and safety, Not an American was slain in 
this desperate business and but four were wounded. At 
the time of Decatur's first, and in the estimation of some, 
this his greatest achievement there was no intermediate 
grade between a First-lieutenant and that of Post-captain, 
to which he was promoted for the destruction of the Phila- 
delphia, and it is recounted that his brother officers, who 
were his seniors, voluntarily consented that he should be 
promoted over them, a high tribute not only to Decatur, 
but to the magnanimity and patriotism of American officers. 
Lord Nelson has said of this feat of Decatur's that it was 
" the most bold and daring act of the age." 

After the destruction of the Philadelphia war against the 
Tripolitans was carried on with increased vigor. On the 
afternoon of August 3, 1804, six gunboats and two divisions 
were sent in to take the enemies' boat. The master com- 
mandant, Richard Somers, led one division, and Captain 
Stephen Decatur the other. Of the six gunboats but three 
succeeded in getting at the enemy. One of these carried 
Stephen Decatur, and another his brother James Decatur. 
The Tripolitan fleet numbered nine gunboats, fully as well 
manned and armed as any of the American, but the Yankees 
dashed at the head of the fleet with hearty cheers. Stephen 
Decatur's boat was the first to open fire. Its long gun had 
been loaded with a thousand musket balls in a bag, and was 
fired at close range. A moment later she was beside the 
enemy and Decatur led the way to her quarter deck. It 
was a bloody but a brief fight, and the Americans won. 



138 l^VAJ^ WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 

The Tripolitan captain was found dead with fourteen bullets 
from the great gun through him. 

Meantime James Decatur had attacked another of the 
enemy, and her commander seeing the power of the Ameri- 
cans hauled down his flag after the first fire had been re- 
ceived. He then waited the coming of Lieutenant James 
Decatur — waited with a loaded pistol in his hand. As De- 
catur stood at the rail ready to board and take possession, 
the Tripolitan shot him dead, the bullet passing through his 
head. Stephen Decatur heard of his brother's murder. 
He was towing the captured gunboat, but cast her off and 
seconded by his crew went after the assassin. A round of 
grape shot and musketry was poured into the fleeing bar- 
barians, and then Decatur led the assault, and himself 
selected the captain for his own victim. 

The Tripolitan was a more powerful man than the Ameri- 
can. Decatur lunged at him with a boarding pike. The 
Mussulman parried the blow, caught the weapon and 
wrenching it away lunged at Decatur. Decatur had drawn 
his sword and with this parried the thrust, but his sword 
broke short at the hilt. The Tripolitan lunged again, and 
Decatur was wounded in the chest and arm. A moment 
later the two were clasped in a struggle for life. At this 
moment another Mussulman aimed a blow at Decatur's 
head. Reuben James, a sailor with both arms disabled, 
leaped in, and with his own head got the blow aimed at De- 
catur. As it happened each of the leaders had fallen with 
one arm free, the others pinned down by the men on top. 
The Tripolitan drew a long knife, Decatur a pocket pistol, 
and for a moment each felt the others ribs to locate the 
heart, but Decatur was first by a fraction of a second, and 
his pistol ball did faithful work, killing the Mussulman in- 
stantly. 



P^AI? WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 1 39 

It is comforting to know that the brave Reuben James 
recovered from the wounds he had received and Hved to 
serve the Nation more than forty years. It was his boast 
that he was in ten fights and as many scrimmages, and it 
was his custom to celebrate the anniversary of each with 
enthusiasm. A jolly old tar was Reuben James. 

Equally brave were the men on the third American gun- 
boat commanded by Sailing Master John Trippe and Mid- 
shipman John D. Henley. Two officers and nine men had 
boarded the Tripolitan, when the two boats became sep- 
arated, leaving these eleven men to face the whole bar- 
barian crew, which they charged with pikes and swords. 
Trippe and Henley singled out the Captain, knowing that 
victory was assured if they could cut him down, but he 
was a magnificent specimen of humanity, and fighting with 
the energy born of fanaticism he wounded Trippe no more 
than eleven times, and at last Trippe went down with one 
knee on the deck, but while in this position he caught the 
Tripolitan with breast unguarded, and thrust him through 
with a pike, and thus ended one of the most remarkable 
fights recorded in the annals of the navy, for Trippe and 
his ten men killed fourteen of the Tripolitans and made 
the remaining twenty-two prisoners. There were but seven 
of the enemy wounded, for the Americans had fought to 
kill, besides Trippe, a boatswain, mate and two marines 
were wounded, but none killed on the American side. 

Meantime Master Commandant Somers, being unable to 
follow Decatur, faced singly five of the enemies' boats. 
The other American gun-boats, which had not been able 
to get to the fight at first, now came in and the enemy 
was driven off. The Constitution, the flag ship, and the 
smaller vessels of the American fleet sailed close under 
the enemies' batteries, silencing them over and over again. 



I40 IVAJ^ WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 

and bombarded the city. That the batteries were not per- 
manently silenced was due to the fact that the Tripolitans 
had twenty-five thousand soldiers within, and these re- 
manned the guns of each battery as soon as the American 
ships ceased firing at it. 

While one of the American gun-boats was firing on a 
shore battery a hot shot penetrated her magazine, and she 
was blown up ; Midshipman T. Spence and the gun's crew 
were loading the big gun on the bow. As the smoke cleared 
away spectators saw the midshipman and his men still at 
work loading the gun, and not only did they complete their 
work as the boat sank under them, but they gave three 
cheers for the flag, and then fired their last shot at the 
enemy. Spence was not able to swim, but got hold of a 
big oar and kept afloat with eleven others until picked up. 

Preble, desirous of annoying the enemy by all means, de- 
cided to send a fire-ship among its shipping, and his decision 
resulted in the loss of a number of brave men and gave them 
everlasting glory. The Ketch Intrepid which had served 
so well in the attack upon the captured Philadelphia, 
was selected for the sacrifice. One hundred and fifty bar- 
rels of powder, one hundred fixed shells and a lot of old 
iron were placed in a bin amidship, and from this a train 
led to a room well aft where a huge mass of combustibles 
were placed. It was intended to run the boat in among 
the shipping start the fuses, and for her officers and men 
then to escape in two swift row-boats. Master-commandant 
Somers was chosen to command, with Midshipman Wads- 
worth and ten seamen ; in addition to these was a stowaway, 
Midshipman Joseph Israel. He had pleaded in vain for 
permission to go, and so hid on board. He was discovered 
and then allowed to go. Somers before starting took off 
a ring he wore, and breaking it into three pieces gave one 



IVAR WITH THE PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. 14I 

to Decatur, another to Stewart, his two most intimate 
friends. He kept the third himself. The two pieces given 
away were to be preserved as mementoes, if he failed to 
return. The Intrepid slipped away, and was on the outer 
edge of the shipping when it was discovered by the enemy. 
In the rigging of the Nautilus, a midshipman was able with 
the aid of a powerful glass to follow the Intrepid up the 
channel. He saw her glide as a shadow between the gun- 
boats there. At this moment the signal gun announced 
her discovery. It was followed by the rapid firing of every 
cannon on that side of the harbor. Immediately there was 
a commotion, and the light of a lantern in the hands of one 
running was seen passing along the deck of the hitrepid. 
This light passed over the midship hatch to drop out of 
sight an instant later, and then a hell of flame burst up in 
the sky where the light had disappeared. 

When morning came it was seen that one of the enemies 
gun-boats was missing and the Tripolitans were hauling 
three others badly shattered out on the beach. The In- 
trepid and all who sailed in her had been blown to pieces. 
Richard Somer, finding that he was discovered and the crew 
of a Tripolitan gun-boat coming on board had deliberately 
fired the mine and destroyed himself with the enemy. 

Other attacks on the city followed. Congress gave 
Preble a gold medal, each of his officers and midshipmen a 
sword, and all others of the crew a month's pay. The force 
was increased, and the Bashaw becoming alarmed eventually 
offered to deliver up all prisoners for a ransom of $60,000 
and agree never again to trouble American commerce. 
This offer was accepted and peace followed. 



CHAPTER X. 

WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

Henry Clay and Naval Preparations— His Sympathy with Greece— The Re- 
cognition of Greece— The Triumph of Clay— The Fear of Clay that 
England would Possess Cuba— The Seventeen Years' War of Spain— 
Clino-ing to Her South American Colonies — Correspondence with the 
Emperor of Russia— The Fights of Our Frigates in the Last War With 
England — The Impressment of American Seamen that Caused the War 
— Actual Fighting Before War was Declared — The Famous Chase of the 
Consiilutio)i and the Combat with the Giierriere. 

A MOST engaging account is given by Henry Clay's 
biographer, Geo. D. Prentice, of his struggles for a navy 
and his eloquent pleas for Greece. 

The bill which proposed an appropriation by the gov- 
ernment for the purchase of timber, and the repair of those 
vessels which were in a state of decay, gave rise to an ani- 
mated discussion. It was uraed that it was in vain for us 
to think of contending with the maritime force of Great 
Britain, whose fleets covered the ocean like wide-extended 
cities. 

In the prosecution of his argument Henry Clay described 

three different degrees of naval force, and considered each 

of them in reference to the necessities and the pecuniary 

ability of the United States. The first was a force that 

should enable us to go boldly forth, upon every sea and 

ocean, and bid defiance to the largest fleets of a belligerent 

power wherever they might be encountered. Such a force, 

he admitted, it would be the extreme of madness and folly 

for our government, to think, at that time, of establishing. 

The second description of force was one which, without 
142 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



143 



often venturing to seek an enemy in foreign climes, should 
be competent to beat off any squadron or fleet which Great 
Britain or any other nation might attempt to station perma- 
nently upon our coast. He showed that this might be done 
by a force equal to one-third of that employed against us, 
it being a fact proved by nautical experience that a nation 
cannot maintain a permanent force upon a distant station 
without an equal force constantly in port for repairs, and 
another as constantly on the passage. From this he in- 
ferred that twelve ships of the line and fifteen or twenty 
frigates would enable us to encounter the most formidable 
fleet which Great Britain, during the continuance of her 
European conflict, could maintain in American waters. 
Such a naval armament, he acknowledged, could not be 
looked for at that time, but he urged on Congress the pol- 
icy of making appropriation for it and expressed his entire 
conviction that the finances of the country would warrant 
its completion in a few years. He was not intimidated by 
the boasted navy of the ocean-queen. So great, he con- 
tended, was her distance from us, so imminent the perils of 
a squadron on a foreign shore, and so numerous the facili- 
ties offered by an extensive sea-board to our own vessels, 
for annoying and evading an enemy, that we should soon 
have the means of providing a force which would empower 
us to vindicate all our maritime rights. 

A third description of the naval force by Henry Clay 
was considered as perfectly within the nation's resources 
at the time of the discussion. This was a force which 
should enable us to prevent any single vessel of whatever 
magnitude from endangering our whole coasting trade and 
laying our chief cities under contribution. He said: 

" If we are not able to meet the gathered wolves of the forest, shall we 
put up with the barking impudence of every petty cur that trips across our 
way ? 



144 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

"If there be a point, more than any other in the United States, demanding the 
aid of naval protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi. The popula- 
tion of the whole western country is depending on this single outlet for their 
surplus productions. These productions can be transported in no other way. 
The whole commerce of the Mississippi, a commerce that is destined to be the 
richest that was ever borne by a single stream, is placed at the mercy of a 
single ship lying off the Belize. Again, what is to become of Cuba ? Will it 
assert independence, or remain a province of some European power? In 
either case the whole trade of the western country, which must pass almost 
within gunshot of the Morro Castle, is exposed to danger. It is not, however, 
of Cuba I am afraid. I wish her independent ; but suppose England gets pos- 
session of that valuable island, with Cuba on the south and Halifax on the 
north, and the consequent means of favoring, or annoying the commerce of 
particular sections of the country, will not the most sanguine among us tremble 
for the integrity of the Union ? If along with Cuba, Great Britain should acquire 
East Florida, should we have the absolute command of the Gulf of Mexico .? 
Can gentlemen from the western country contemplate such possible and proba- 
ble events, without desiring to see at least the commencement of such a naval 
establishment as will effectually protect the Mississippi ? 

" A marine is the natural, the appropriate guardian of foreign commerce. 
The shepherd and his faithful dog are not more necessary to guard the flocks that 
browse and gambol on the neighboring mountain. Neglect to provide the one, 
and you must abandon the other. Suppose the expected war with Great Britain 
is commenced, you enter and subjugate Canada, and she still refuses to do you 
justice. What other possible mode will remain to operate on the enemy upon 
that element where alone you can then come in contact with him, and if you 
do not prepare to protect there your own commerce and to assail his, will he 
not sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag and destroy even the 
coasting trade ? What is our foreign commerce that has suddenly become so 
inconsiderable? It has, with very trifling aid from other sources, defrayed the 
expense of government ever since the adoption of the present Constitution, 
maintained an expensive and successful war with the Indians, a war with the 
Barbary powers, a quasi war with France, sustained the charge of suppressing 
two insurrections and extinguishing upwards of forty-six millions of the public 
debt. In revenue, it has, since the year 1789, yielded ^191,000,000, and if our 
commerce is re-established, it wmII, in the course of time, net a sum for which we 
are scarcely furnished with figures in arithmetic." 

It was with such arguments that Clay won over the 
House to a generous appropriation for the navy that won 
the war of 18 12. In less than two years it became the 
right arm of the country. 

When Mr. Clay assumed the duties of the secretaryship 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



^47 



of State he took up the cause of Greece, having failed, when 
in Congress, to procure on the part of the United States, 
the recognition of Grecian independence. He sent a min- 
ister to represent our government at Greece, and thus that 
country was hailed into the family of independent nations. 
America was the first to recognize her, and the measure 
was effected by the zeal and perseverance of Mr. Clay, 
The recognition of America gave heart to the Greeks, and 
the Turks were beaten back. 

Another interference in the affairs of other nations that 
seemed to demand the help of America was, when in an 
official letter addressed to Mr. Middleton, American Minis- 
ter to Russia, he sought to induce the Emperor Alexander 
to use his influence toward putting a period to the war, that 
for seventeen years had been raging between Spain and 
her South American colonies. 

He had, in an address in Congress, on a bill to prevent 
ships from being built at Baltimore for supposed use by 
the rebellious colonies, splendidly championed their cause, 
and on the subject of strict neutrality called attention to 
the fact that Spain had had an accredited minister to watch 
over its interests and to remonstrate against any acts of 
which it might complain, while the colonies, being wholly 
unrepresented, had no organ through which to communicate 
grievances. 

"Whenever war exists," said Mr. Clay, " between two 
independent states or between parts of a common empire, 
I know of but two relations in which other powers can 
stand towards the belligerents. The one is that of neu- 
trality and the other that of belligerency." Being then in 
a state of neutrality the question was whether the provi- 
sions of the bill were necessary to the performance of duty. 
For his part he wished for their independence. It had 
9 



148 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

been said that the people of South America were incapable, 
from the ignorance and superstition prevailing among them, 
of achieving independence or enjoying liberty. Mr. Clay 
asked " to what cause is that ignorance and superstition 
owing? Is it not due to the offices of their government, 
to the tyranny and oppression of hierarchical and political 
rule under which they groan ? Independence is the first 
step toward improving their condition." 

Mr. Clay described the state of South America, illus- 
trated the impossibility of her ever being re-conquered by 
Spain, dwelt upon the benefits that would result from the 
re-establishment of peace, not only to the belligerent pow- 
ers, but to all Europe, and suggested that the Emperor of 
Russia, by effecting such a measure, might render himself 
as great and glorious in peace as he had already become 
in war. Although Mr. Clay, in this letter, did not directly 
ask the interference of Russia in behalf of Greece, still 
he was careful to suggest to the Emperor the cause of the 
Greeks, and reminded him of the fame that would crown his 
years, if he were to deliver that suffering people, as well as 
the South Americans, from the grasp of tyranny. The em- 
peror instructed his minister at the Spanish court to use 
every exertion in favor of the pacification of the colonies, 
and shordy afterwards the effusion of blood was stopped, 
and the independence of South America acknowledged by 
the parent country. In the meantime Alexander directed 
his personal attention more immediately to the Greeks, 
preparing to war with them, when death took him off and 
left their liberation to his successor. 

The war of 1812 is of particular interest as showing the 
wonderful fighting capacity of the United States Navy with 
the ten frigates built through the energy and far-sightedness 
of Henry Clay. 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. j^g 

Lord Castlereagh, in a speech before the House of Parlia- 
ment on February i8, 1811, stated that out of 145,000 sea- 
men employed in the British service, the whole number of 
American subjects amounted to more than 3.300. A search 
of the papers of the State Department at Washington 
showed that some 6,257 American citizens had been im- 
pressed into the Briush service, and there were as many pro- 
tests filed. John R. Spears in his " History of Our Navy," 
claims that there were more than 20,000 free American 
men who were forced into the service of the British Navy 
by press-gangs. It was this that led up to the war of 
1812. 

It happened that the actual fighting occurred before war 
was declared. The British frigate G2Le7'ricre of thirty-eight 
guns, commanded, then, by Captain Samuel John Pechell, 
met on May i, 181 1, the American merchant ship spitfire. 
The Guerriere deliberately stopped her and took off John 
Deguyo, an American citizen, who was a passenger. At 
the time of this outrage the United States frigate, Presideiit 
of forty-four guns, commanded by Captain John Rodgers, 
was lying at Fort Severn, Annapolis, Md. He had been 
ordered to cruise up and down the coast to protect 
American commerce, and the facts of the GticrrieTcs 
assault upon the liberty of John Deguyo had been com- 
municated to him. He at once sought the Giicj^riere, 
and late, that evening, met a stranger. The President, 
with her crew at quarters, drew up close on the other, and 
Captain Rodgers hailed from the lee rail, "What Ship is 
that ? " Instead of an answer the stranger replied by hailing 
in turn, "What Ship is that? " Captain Rodgers repeated 
his question, and to his intense surprise he got for an 
answer a shot from the stranger that struck the Presi- 
dent's main mast. Like an echo to this shot was one fired 



l5o WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

without orders from the P7'esident. To this the stranger 
repHed with three shots in quick succession, and then with 
a broadside. At that, the impatient gunner who had fired 
the first shot from the Preside7it, had the opportunity to 
try again under orders, and the rest of the crew joined in. 
For ten minutes they loaded the guns with a rapidity well 
worth noting, and fired with a deliberation and precision 
never to be foreotten. For some unknown reason the 
stranger ceased firing. She was manifestly much inferior 
to the President in armament. Captain Rodgers ordered 
his men to stop the engagement ; but no sooner had this 
order been obeyed than the stranger re-opened fire. 
Despite the darkness and growing wind and sea, one 
broadside knocked the stranger helpless. 

Now, when Rodgers once more hailed, he received a 
reply, but, owing to his position to windward, he could not 
understand it, but it is recorded that the captain pluckily 
said " No," when asked if he had struck. However, Rogers 
ran down under the stranger's lee, and hove to where he 
might be of service in case she should sink, and there he 
waited for daylight. 

During the night the vessels drifted apart, but at eight 
o'clock the next morning Captain Rodgers sent Lieutenant 
Creighton on board the stranger to "regret the necessity 
which had led to such an unhappy result, and offer assist- 
ance if any were needed." It was then learned that she 
was the twenty-gun corvette Little Belt, under command of 
Arthur B. Bingham. More than one quarter of her crew 
were destroyed ; on the President one boy was slightly hurt 
by a splinter. 

The whole affair was, of course, carefully investigated by 
both governments, the officers on each ship swore that the 
other had fired the first gun. 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



151 



Theodore Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, in 
his book on " The War of 181 2," explains the superiority 
of the American seaman with the fact that the French, 
Spaniards, Algerians, Malays, and others constantly at- 
tacked American commerce. " Wherever an American sea- 
man went, he not only had to contend with all the legitimate 
perils of the sea, but he had also to regard almost every 
stranger as a foe. The effect of such a state of things, which 
made commerce so remunerative that bolder spirits could 
hardly keep out of it, and so hazardous that only the most skill- 
ful and daring could succeed in it, was to raise up as fine a set 
of seamen as ever manned a navy. The American was 
more easily managed than most of his kind, being shrewd, 
quiet, and, in fact, comparatively speaking, rather moral 
than otherwise ; if he was a New Eng-lander, and retired 
from a sea life, he was not unapt to end his days as a 
deacon. Altogfether there could not have been better ma- 
terial for a fighting crew than cool, gritty American Jack." 

The three days' chase of the Constitution by the British 
fleet was a test of seamanship of the highest order, and 
resulted in a victory for the American, for he escaped over- 
whelming odds by the wonderful handling of the boat. The 
Guerriere, which afterward had to strike her flag to the 
Constitution, was the first of the British boats to oret near 
her in the long pursuit. Just before sunset, the lookout on 
the Constitutio7i sighted three stran^^ers, and later another. 
They were thought to be English, and the American there- 
fore discreetly started to get out of the way. All through 
the night she was followed by the English. 

As daylight broadened three sails were discovered on the 
starboard quarter, and three more at the stern. Soon 
another was spied to the westward. By nine o'clock when 
the mists had lifted, the Constitution saw to leeward two 



1^2 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

frigates, a ship of the hne, two small frigates, a brig and a 
schooner. It was the squadron of Captain Philip Vere 
Broke. Luckily for " Old I ironsides " all of the English- 
men were beyond gun shot. Hull sent his boats ahead and 
then began the weary work of towing. At the same time 
the stern chasers were run out over the after-bulwarks and 
through the cabin windows. It fell a dead calm, and before 
long all of the English vessels had begun to tow also. 

Then a brilliant idea occurred to Lieutenant Morris of the 
Constitution. All the spare hawsers and rope that could 
stand the strain were spliced together, and a line almost a 
mile in length was towed ahead of the ship and the kedge- 
anchor dropped. At once the Constitution began to 
walk away from her pursuers ; as she tripped one kedge 
she commenced a haul upon another. Hull displayed his 
colors and fired a gun, but it was not long before the British 
discovered the Yankee trick and were trying it themselves. 
A slight breeze happily sprang up which the Constittitiou 
got first and forged ahead of the leading vessel that had 
fifteen or sixteen boats towing away at her. Soon it fell 
calm aofain and the towine and kedeine were resumed. The 
British gained once more, and Hull sent overboard some 
twenty-four hundred gallons of water to lighten his vessel. 

At daybreak, of the following day, three of the enemy's 
frigates had crept up to within long gunshot on the lee 
quarter, and the Guerriere was close on the beam. Slowly 
but surely the Belvidei'- drew ahead, and at last she was 
almost off the Constitutioii s bow when she tacked. Hull, 
to preserve his position and the advantage of being to the 
westward, was obliged to follow suit. The American was 
then apparently in the midst of the foe. The breeze fresh- 
ening, Hull hoisted in his boats, and the weary rowers 
rested their strained arms. 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



153 



An American merchantman appeared. The Englishman 
did not dispatch a vessel to pursue her, but to encourage 
her to continue her course, flew the stars and stripes. 
Hull straightway as a warning drew down his own flag and 
set the English ensign. The merchantman hauled on the 
wind and made his best efforts to escape. 

The wind freshened, and the sails being trimmed and 
watched closely, the Coiistitutioii gained two miles and 
more upon the pursuers. Dark, angry clouds and deeper 
shadows on the water to westward showed that a sudden 
squall was approaching. The topmen were sent aloft, and 
the Constiiuiio7i held on with all sails set, but with 
everything ready at the command to let go. As the rush of 
wind and rain approached all the canvas was furled, a reef 
taken in the mizzen topsail, and the ship was brought under 
short sail as if she expected to be laid on her beam ends. 

The English vessels astern probably expected that a hard 
blow was going to follow so they let go and hauled down as 
they were, without waiting for the wind to reach them. 
Some of them hove to and began to reef, and then scat- 
tered In different directions as if for safety, but no sooner 
had the rain assailed the Constitution than Hull hoisted 
his fore and main top-gallant as well, and with the wind 
blowing the water all about him he soared away over the 
seas at a gait of eleven knots. For an hour the breeze 
held strong and then it disappeared. 

A Yankee cheer broke out in which the officers joined, 
for the Eng^lish fleet was far down the wind. A few minutes 
more sailing and the leading frigates were hull-down below 
the horizon. Still they held in chase throughout all the 
night, signaling each other now and then. At daybreak 
all fear was over, but the Constitutioii kept under all sail 
even after Broke' s squadron gave up. 



J 54 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

The first real test of fighting was on the occasion of the 
affair between the Constitution and the Guerriere. A 
month after the successful eluding of the British navy, the 
Constitution sighted, in latitude 41°, 40', and longitude 55°, 
48', a British man-of-war, which proved to be the Guerriere. 

Hull raised his flag. Immediately in response, up went 
every masthead of the other ship, the red cross of Old 
England. It was growing late in the afternoon ; the breeze 
had freshened, and the white caps had begun to jump on 
every side. The crew of the Constitution broke into three 
ringing cheers as their grand old craft bore down upon the 
enemy. When almost within range, the English let go her 
broadside, and turning on the tack, fired her other broad- 
side. The shot fell short, and the Constitution reserved 
her fire. For three-quarters of an hour, the two man- 
oeuvered, trying to rake and to avoid being raked in turn. 

At six in the evening, the enemy, seeing all attempts to 
outsail her antagonist were in vain, showed a brave indica- 
tion of wishing to close the fight. Hull reserved his fire 
until quite close to the Guerriej^e, when he shouted : " Now 
boys, pour it into them." The broadside was as one single 
explosion, and the destruction was perfect. The enemy's 
decks were strewn with the dead and wounded, and the 
blood ran out of the scuppers. Her cockpit filled with the 
wounded. For a few minutes, shrouded in smoke, they 
fought at the distance of a half-pistol shot. But in that 
short space of time, the Englishman was literally torn to 
pieces in hull, spars, sails and rigging. 

As her mizzen mast gave way, the Englishman brought 
up into the wind, and the Constitution forged slowly ahead 
and fired again, and then fell afoul of her antagonist, with 
her bowsprit across her larboard quarter. While in this 
position, Hull's cabin was set on fire by the enemy's for- 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



155 



ward battery, and part of the crew were called away from 
the euns to extinouish the threatening blaze. Now both 
sides tried to board. It was the old style of fighting for 
the British tars, and they bravely swarmed on deck at the 
call, " Boarders away ! " and the shrill piping of 'tween decks. 
The Americans were preparing for the same attempt, and 
three of their officers, who mounted the taff-rail, were shot 
by the EngHsh. The swinging and grinding of the huge 
ships against each other made boarding impossible, and it 
was at this anxious moment that the sails of the Constitu- 
tion filled. She fell off, and shot ahead. Hardly was she 
clear when the foremast of the enemy fell, carrying with it 
the main-mast, and leaving the proud vessel of a few hours 
before, a helpless wreck, " rolling like a log in the trough of 
the sea, entirely at the mercy of the billows." It was now 
nearly seven o'clock ; the sky had clouded over ; the wind 
was freshening, and the sea was growing heavy. Hull drew 
off for repairs, rove new rigging, secured his masts, and, 
wearing ship, approached, ready to pour in a final broad- 
side. 

It was not needed. Before the Constitution could fire, 
the flag, which had been flying at the stem of the enemy's 
mizzen-mast, was struck. The fight was over. In the 
Gonstitution seven were killed and seven wounded ; in the 
Guerriere, fifteen killed, sixty-two wounded and twenty- 
four were missing. The next day the G^icrriere, being 
useless, was set on fire. At 3.15 in the afternoon she 
blew up. 

Great Britain had, when we challenged her to combat in 
181 2, one thousand ships of war, and was so thoroughly in 
command of the sea that "her title there was none to dis- 
pute." Exclusively of gunboats we had : 



156 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



Constitution 44 

President ....... 44 

United States 44 

Congress . . 38 

Constellation 38 

Chesapeake 38 

New York 36 

Adams 28 

Boston 28 

Essex 32 



John Adams 28 

Wasp 18 

Hornet 18 

Argus 16 

Siren 16 

Oneida 16 

Vixen 14 

Enterprise 14 

Viper 12 

Nautilus 14 



The quarrel was about the impressment of our sailors. 
We expected to take Canada, and the British proposed to 
occupy and possess forever, New Orleans and Louisiana. 
Neither got what they wanted, and nothing was said in the 
treaty about the ostensible cause of the war, but the British 
stopped searching our ships for their subjects. Two of the 
ships in our list were unseaworthy, the New York and Boston, 
and the Oneida was on Lake Ontario. The Adams required 
repairs. We had seventeen cruisers on the ocean, and the 
British had fifty to our one. In addition England had the 
West India Islands, Bermuda and Halifax for places of 
refuge and repairs. In his naval history Cooper says : 

The vessels were scattered ; some were undergoing 
repairs, others were at a distance ; and with the exception 
of one small squadron, everything was virtually committed 
to the activity, judgment and enterprise of the different 
captains. In the port of New York were collected the 
President 44, Commodore Rodgers ; Essex 32, Captain 
Porter; and Hornet 18, Captain Lawrence. These vessels 
were ready to sail at an hour's notice, except the Essex, 
which ship was overhauling her rigging, and restoring her 
hold. Commodore Rodgers had dropped into the bay, 
with the President and Hornet, where he was joined by the 
United States a^a,, Commodore Decatur ; Congress 38, Cap- 
tain Smith; and Argus 16, Lieutenant-Commandant Sin- 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



157 



clair, all of which vessels arrived from the southward on 
the 2 1 St of June. 

A few days after the chase of the Constitution, the Eng-- 
lish squadron separated, the Africa returning to port with 
the prisoners and prizes, and the frigates shaping their 
courses in different directions, in the hope that the ship 
which had avoided them so carefully when in company, 
might be less averse to meeting them singly. 

The Essex 32, Captain Porter, got to sea from New 
York, not long after the departure of Commodore Rodgers, 
and went first to the southward. She made several prizes 
early, destroying most of them and receiving the prisoners 
on board. The weather now compelled the Essex to run 
to the northward. When a few weeks from port a small 
fieet was approached at night, which was immediately 
understood to be enemies. The English ships were steer- 
ing to the northward, before the wind, and the Essex was 
stretching toward them, on an easy bowline, and under 
short canvas. The niofht had a dull moon, and it wanted 
but an hour or two to daylight. As the Essex drew near, it 
was perceived that the English were sailing in very open 
order, with considerable intervals between them, and that 
the convoying ship, a large vessel, was some distance 
ahead, and of course to leeward. 

As it was the intention of Captain Porter to preserve the 
weather gauge, until he ascertained who and what the con- 
voy might be, he stretched in towards the sternmost ship 
of the strangers, which he spoke. At this time the people 
of the Essex were at their guns, with everything ready to 
engage, but keeping the men on deck concealed, and 
having the lower ports in. After some conversation with 
the first vessel. It was ascertained that the fleet consisted of 
a few transports, under the convoy of a frigate and bomb- 



158 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

vessel, whereupon Captain Porter determined to get along- 
side of the former, if possible, and to carry her by surprise. 
With this view, the Essex shot ahead, leaving the first ves- 
sel, apparently, without exciting her suspicions. On rang- 
ing up close abeam of a second, some further discourse 
passed, when the Englishman so far took the alarm, as to 
announce the intention of making the signal of a stranger's 
having joined the fleet. It became necessary, therefore, to 
throw aside disguise, and to order the transport to haul out 
of the convoy, under the penalty of being fired into. This 
was done quietly, and seemingly, without attracting the 
attention of the rest of the fleet, which, of course, passed 
to leeward. On taking possession of her prize, the Essex 
found her filled with soldiers, and so much time was neces- 
sarily consumed in securing the latter, that the day dawned 
and it became inexpedient to renew the attempt on the 
convoy. The frigate was said to be the Minerva 36, and 
the troops in the convoy amounted to nearly 1,000 men. 
About 150 were taken in the prize. 

A few days after this success, the Essex sighted a strange 
sail to windward. The American at that moment was dis- 
guised as a merchantman, having her gun-deck ports in, 
top-gallant mast housed, and sails trimmed in a slovenly 
manner. Deceived by these appearances, the stranger 
came running down free. The American ship showed 
her ensign and kept away, under short sail. This em- 
boldened the stranger, who followed, and having got on 
the weather quarter of his chase, began his fire, setting the 
English colors. The Essex now knocked out her ports, 
and opened upon the enemy, who appears to have been 
so much taken by surprise, that after receiving one or two 
broadsides the crew deserted their quarters and ran 
below. In eight minutes after the Essex had begun to fire 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 159 

the English ship struck. On sending Lieutenant Finch on 
board to take possession, the prize proved to be his Brit- 
annic Majesty's ship Alert, Captain Laugharne, mount- 
ing 20 eighteen-pound carronades, and with a full crew. 
The lieutenant found seven feet of water in the Alert, and 
was obliged to ware round to keep her from sinking. 

The Alert was the first vessel of war taken from the 
English in this contest, and her resistance was so feeble as 
to excite surprise. It was not to be expected, certainly, 
that a ship carrying eighteen-pound carronades could suc- 
cessfully resist a ship carrying thirty-two pound carron- 
ades, and double her number of ei-ins and men ; but so 
exaggerated had become the opinion of the British prowess 
on the ocean, that impossibilities were sometimes looked 
for. As it is understood that only a part of the guns of 
the Essex bore on the Alert, the manner in which the latter 
was taken, must be attributed to a sudden panic among 
her people, some of whom were censured after their ex- 
change. Even the officers did not escape, the first lieu- 
tenant being dismissed from the service by a court-martial. 
The Alert had but three men wounded, and the Essex sus- 
tained no injury at all. 

Another interesting story is that of the brig Argus, 
under Captain Sinclair, which after separating from the 
U7iiteci States^ cruised alone, making several captures of 
merchantmen, though she met no vessel of war of a force 
proper for her to engage. During this cruise she was 
chased for three days and nights, by a squadron of the 
enemy, two of which were ships of the line. On this occa- 
sion the Argus proved her fine qualities, and the coolness 
of her officers and crew did them infinite credit. All the 
guns were preserved, though the brig was so hard pressed 
as to be obliged to cut away anchors, and to throw over- 



l6o WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

board some of her boats. Notwithstanding the persever- 
ance of her pursuers, the Argus actually took and manned 
a prize during the chase, though two of the enemy got near 
enouo-h to open their fire as the vessels separated. The 
brig escaped, having made five prizes before she got in. 

The Wasp, i8 guns. Captain Jones, left the Delaware on 
a cruise. She was one of the sloops fitted out at the close 
of the Tripolitan war, a beautiful and fast cruiser. She 
retained all of her old armament and construction, having 
been a ship from the first, mounting i6 thirty-two pound 
carronades and 2 long twelves. The Wasp sailed to the 
northward. She ran off Boston, made one capture, and, 
after an absence of three weeks, returned to the Delaware. 
On the 1 3th of October she sailed a second time to get 
into the track of vessels steering north, and about 1 1 
o'clock in the night of the 17th several sail were made. 
Two of these appeared large, and Captain Jones did not 
deem it prudent to close, but, hauling off to a convenient 
distance, he steered in the same direction with the un- 
known vessels, with the intention of ascertaining their 
characters in the morning. When the day dawned the 
strangers were seen ahead and to leeward. Making sail 
to close, they were ascertained to be a convoy of six Eng- 
lish ships, under the charge of a heavy brig-of-war. Four 
of the merchantmen were armed, apparently, mounting 
from 12 to 18 guns. The commander of the brig, however, 
manifested no wish to avail himself of the assistance of any 
of his convoys, but shortening sail, the latter passed ahead, 
while he prepared to give battle. As it w^as the evident 
intention of the Englishman to cover his convoy, very 
little manoeuverlng was necessary to bring the vessels 
alongside of each other. At 32 minutes past 11 a. m., the 
Wasp ranged close up on the starboard side of the enemy, 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. i6i 

her broadside, at the distance of about sixty 
yards, and delivering her own. The fire of the EngHsh- 
man immediately became very rapid, it having been thought 
at the time, that he discharged three guns to the Wasfs two, 
and as the main-topmast of the latter ship was shot away 
within five minutes after the action commenced, appear- 
ances, at first, were greatly in the enemy's favor. In eight 
minutes the gaff and mizzen top gallant-mast also fell. 
But though the fire of the Wasp was the most deliberate, 
it was also the most deadly. 

In consequence of the fall of the main-topmast of the 
American ship, which, with the main-topsail-yard, lodged 
on the fore and fore-topsail braces, it became next to im- 
possible to haul any of the yards, had circumstances re- 
quired it, but the battle was continued with great spirit on 
both sides, until the ships had gradually closed so near 
that the bends of the Wasp rubbed against her antagonist's 
bows. Here the vessels came foul, the bowsprit of the 
enemy passing in over the quarter-deck of the Wasp, 
forcing her bows up into the wand, and enabling the latter 
to throw in a close rakine fire. 

When Captain Jones perceived the effect of the enemy's 
fire on his spars and rigging, it was his intention to board, 
as he had closed with this view ; but finding his ship in so 
favorable a position to rake the enemy, he countermanded 
an order to that effect, and directed a fresh broadside to be 
delivered. The vessels were now so near that in loadino- 
some of the Wasfs guns, the rammers hit against the bows 
of her antagonist, and the people of the English ship could 
no longer be kept at their quarter's forward. The dis- 
charge of one or two of the carronades swept the enemy's 
decks, and the impetuosity of the Wasps crew could no 
longer be restrained ; they began to leap into the rig- 



1 62 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

ging, and from thence on the bowsprit of the brig. As 
soon as Lieutenant Biddle, of the Wasp found that the crew 
was eagerly awaiting the command to board, he sprang into 
the rigging, followed by Lieutenant Rodgers and a party of 
officers and men. On the forecastle of the brig Lieutenant 
Biddle passed all his own people, but there was no enemy 
to oppose him. Two or three officers were standing aft, 
most of them bleeding. The decks were strewn with killed 
and wounded, but not a common hand was at his station, 
all of those that were able having gone below, with the 
exception of the man at the wheel. The latter remained 
at his post, with the spirit of a true seaman, to the very 
last. 

The English officers threw down their swords as Lieu- 
tenant Biddle and his men passed aft. 

The prize was the British sloop of war Frolic i8, Captain 
Whinyates, homeward bound, with the vessels in the Hon- 
duras trade under convoy. The Frolic, mounted on her 
main deck, sixteen thirty-two pound carronades, four long 
guns, differently stated to have been sixes, nines and twelves, 
and with two twelve-pound carronades on a top-gallant fore- 
castle. This armament would make a force greater than 
that of the Wasp by four guns. The Wasp was cut up aloft 
to an unusual degree, there having been no question that 
her antagonist's fire was heavy and spirited. The braces 
and standing rigging were nearly all shot away, and some 
of the spars that stood were injured. She had five men 
killed and five wounded. The hull sustained no great 
damage. 

The Frolic was also much injured in her spars and rigging, 
more particularly in the former ; and the two vessels were 
hardly separated before both her masts fell. She had been 
hulled at almost every discharge, and was virtually a wreck 




iHE t^^SEX CAl' TURING THE ALERT. 




O 
O 

o 

Q 



WHEN OUR N'AVY WON GREAT GLORY. 165 

when taken possession of by the Americans. Her loss 
in men was never accurately known, but her captain, 
lieutenant and master, were wounded ; the two latter mor- 
tally. Lieutenant Biddle, who remained in charge of the 
prize, after so gallantly boarding her, stated, that so far as he 
could ascertain, she had from seventy to eighty killed and 
wounded. Subsequent information, however, has given 
reason to believe that the number was even greater. Cap- 
tain Whinyates, in his official report, states that not twenty 
of his crew escaped unhurt, which would probably raise the 
casualties to a number between ninety and a hundred. 

The Frolic had scarcely submitted, when a sail was seen 
standing in towards the two vessels, evidently a ship of 
force. Instructions were given to Lieutenant Biddle to make 
the best of his way to Charleston with the prize, and the 
Wasp began to make sail, with an intention to continue her 
cruise; but, on opening her canvas, and turning the reefs 
out of her topsails, they were found to be nearly in ribands. 
The stranger, which turned out to be the enemy's ship 
Poictiers, 74, hove a shot over the Frolic in passing, and, soon 
ranging up near the Wasp, both vessels were captured. The 
Poictiers proceeded with her two prizes to Bermuda, and 
the Americans being paroled, soon after returned home. 

As this was the first combat of the war between vessels 
of a force so nearly equal as to render cavilling difficult, 
the result occasioned much exultation in America. 

The success of the Constitution and Horjict, two of the 
vessels of Commodore Bainbridge's squadron, served 
greatly to increase the popularity of the navy. Their com- 
manders were rewarded with medals, swords, and votes of 
thanks by different legislatures, and Captain Lawrence was 
promoted, and transferred to the command of the Chesa- 
peake. 



1 66 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

Cooper's History gives the great story of the Essex : 

" In the way of service to the public, perhaps the great- 
est performed by the Essex was in protecting the American 
ships in the Pacific, nearly all of which would probably have 
fallen into the hands of the enemy, but for her appearance 
in that ocean. And the positive injury done the English 
commerce was far from trifling. The Essex had now cap- 
tured about 4000 tons of its shipping, made near 400 pris- 
oners, and for the moment had literally destroyed its 
fisheries in this part of the world." 

The Essex and Essex Junior quitted the harbor of Nooa- 
heevah, on the 12th of December, 181 3, bound for the 
coast of South America, which was made early in January. 
After watering at San Maria, and looking into Conception, 
the ships proceeded to Valparaiso. Up to this time not a 
dollar had been drawn for, to meet the expenses of the 
frigate. The enemy had furnished provisions, sails, cord- 
age, medicines, guns, anchors, cables, etc. A considera- 
ble amount of pay even had been given to the officers and 
men, by means of the money taken. 

After the arrival in Valparaiso, it was found that the 
feelings of the Chilean government had taken an entirely 
new direction, as had been reported by Mr. Downes, 
favoring on all occasions the interests of the English, in 
preference to those of the Americans. Without paying 
much regard to this circumstance, however. Captain Porter 
determined to remain in, or off, the port, in waiting for the 
Phoebe 36, Captain Hillyar, one of the ships sent out in 
quest of him, under the impression that her commander 
would not fail, sooner or later, to seek him at that place. 
There was also the prospect of intercepting such of the 
English traders as might happen to touch at that port. 

The Phoebe arrived as was expected, but instead of 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 167 

coming alone, she had the Cherub 2.0, Captain Tucker, in 
company. 

As the PhcKbe came in, the wind was Hght, and she passed 
quite near the Essex, with her people at quarters. Captain 
Hillyar hailed and inquired after the health of Captain 
Porter. After making the usual reply, the latter informed 
the English officer that if the vessel got foul, much con- 
fusion would ensue, and that he could not be answerable 
for the consequences. Captain Hillyar now observed that 
he did not meditate any attack, though the manner in which 
this was uttered, does not appear to have quieted the 
suspicions of the American officers. While the two vessels 
and their crews were in this novel position, the Phosbc was 
taken suddenly aback, and her bows played direcdy upon 
the Essex. Captain Porter immediately called away his 
boarders, and for a few minutes there was every appear- 
ance of a combat in a neutral port. 

The English ships, having obtained some supplies, went 
outside, and cruised off Valparaiso for six weeks. During 
this time, the Essex made several attempts to engage the 
Phcebe alone, somedmes by bringing her to action with the 
Essex Junior in company, and at others by bringing her to 
action singly having the crew of the Essex j7L7iiur on board 
the frigate. Captain Porter ascertained to his sadsfacdon, 
that he could easily outsail either of the enemy's vessels, 
but his object was not so much to escape, as to capture the 
Phcvbe, which he had reason to think he might do, could he 
bring her to close action without her consort's interference. 
On the 27th of February, the Cherub being nearly a 
league dead to leeward of her, the Phcebe ran close in, 
hove to off the port, hoisted a motto flag and fired a gun 
to windward, when the Essex immediately weighed and 
stood out of the harbor, and answered the weather gun of 



l68 l^HEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

the enemy. On this occasion, the ships got within gun- 
shot of each other, and when the American frigate opened 
fire, the Fkcebe ran down and joined her consort. This 
conduct excited a good deal of feehng among the offi- 
cers of the Essex, who rightly judged that the challenge 
should not have been given, if it were not the intention of 
the enemy to engage singly. 

The Essex met with an accident in attempting to leave 
the harbor and finding it impossible to beat up to the com- 
mon anchorage, in his present condition, in time to avoid 
the enemy, Captain Porter stood across the entrance of the 
harbor, to the northeastern side, where he let go an anchor, 
about three miles from the town, a mile and a-half from 
the Castello Viego, which, however, was concealed by a 
bluff, half a mile from a detached battery of one twenty- 
four pound gun, and within pistol-shot of the shore. Not- 
withstanding this position, the enemy continued to approach, 
and it soon became evident, by the motto flags and jacks 
he set, that it was his serious intention to engage. The 
Essex, in consequence, cleared for action, and attempted to 
get a spring on her cable, but had not succeeded in effect- 
ing this important object, when the Pha-be, having obtained 
an advantageous position, nearly astern, about 4 p. m. 
opened her fire, at long shot. At the same time, the Cherub 
commenced the action on the starboard bow. The fire of 
the Phoebe, from the double advantage she possessed in her 
long guns and her station, became very destructive, as 
scarce a gun from the Essex could touch her. The 
Cherub, however, was soon driven off, when she ran down 
to leeward, and engaged from a position near that taken 
by the Pha^be. Three long twelves were got out aft, and 
they played with so much effect on the enemy, that at the 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 169 

end of half an hour, both his ships hauled off from shore 
to repair damages. 

The enemy was not long in making his repairs, and both 
ships next took position on the starboard quarter of the 
Essex, where it was not in the power of the latter vessel 
to bring a single gun to bear upon him, as he was too dis- 
tant to be reached by carronades. His fire was very gall- 
ing, and it left no alternative to Captain Porter, between 
submission, and running down to assail him. He gallantly 
decided on the latter. But, by this time, the Essex had 
received many serious injuries, in addition to the loss of 
her topmast. Her topsail sheets and halyards had all 
been shot away. The only sail that could be got upon the 
ship to make her head pay off was a flying jib, which was 
hoisted, when the cable was cut, and the vessel edged away, 
with the intention of laying the Phwbe aboard. 

The fore-topsail and foresail were now let fall, though, 
for want of tacks and sheets they were nearly useless. 
Still the Essex drove down her assailants, closino- near 
enough to open with her carronades. For a few minutes 
the firing on both sides was tremendous, the people of the 
Essex proving their discipline and gallantry, at that trying 
moment, in a way to justify all the high expectations that 
had been formed of them, though their decks were already 
strewn with killed, and the cockpit was crowded with the 
wounded. This work proved too hot for the Cherub, which 
hauled off a second time, nor did she come near enough to 
use her carronades again, during the remainder of the 
action, keeping up a distant fire with her long guns. 

Three entire crews of one of the guns of the Essex were 
swept away, the captain, though wounded, being the only 
survivor. Captain Porter had a hawser bent to the sheet- 
anchor which was let go and brought the head of the ship 



1^0 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

around, bringing her broadside to bear, and doing execution 
until the hawser parted. By this time the ship was on fire. 
Captain Porter summoned his officers. Only one, Acting 
Lieutenant McKnight, could join him on the quarter-deck. 
The first lieutenant, Mr. Wilmer, had been knocked over- 
board by a splinter and drowned, while getting the sheet- 
anchor from the bow ; Acting Lieutenant Cowell, the next 
in rank, was mortally wounded ; Acting Lieutenant Olden- 
heimer had just been knocked overboard. Seventy-five 
men, officers included, were all that remained for duty; and 
the enemy, in perfectly smooth water, was firing his long 
eighteens at a nearly unresisting ship, with as much pre- 
cision as he could have discharged them at a target. It 
had become an imperative duty to strike, and the colors 
were hauled down. 

In this bloody contest the Essex had 58 men killed, 66 
wounded, making a total of 124. Of the missing there 
were 31, most of whom were drowned in attempting to 
swim ashore when the ship was on fire, or by being knocked 
overboard by the splinters, or pieces of the rigging. The 
entire loss was 152 out of 255. The Americans lost a ship, 
but not honor. Admiral Farragut was through the slaughter 
as a midshipman. 

ITUMBLING THE BARBARY STATES. 

Commodore Decatur had the grateful mission, in 1815, 
to humble the Dey of Algiers, who made the mistake of 
supposing the navy of the United States had been de- 
stroyed in the war with England. 

Decatur sailed with a small squadron in May, 181 5. 
His flagship was the Guer^^iere, 44 guns. When he 
passed the Strait of Gibraltar he found the Algerine pirate 
fleet cruising in search of American vessels. On the 17th 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 171 

of June he met, fought, and captured the flagship of the 
Algerine admiral (a frigate of forty-four guns), and another 
pirate ship with six hundred men. With these prizes he 
sailed for the harbor of Algiers, and demanded of the ruler, 
(June 28th), the instant surrender of all American prisoners 
in his hands, full indemnity for all . American property 
destroyed by his forces, and all claims to tribute from the 
United States thereafter. When the Dey heard of the fate 
of his fleet, he hastened to comply with Decatur's demands. 
The commodore summoned him to the deck of the Gicer- 
riere, with his captives. The Dey appeared with them 
and some of his officers, on the 30th of June. There he 
signed a treaty and left the frigate in deep humiliation. 

Decatur then sailed for Tunis, and demanded and re- 
ceived from the Bashaw, or ruler of that State, ^46,000 in 
payment for American vessels, which he had allowed the 
British to capture in his harbor. This was in July. Then 
Decatur proceeded to Tripoli, and in August he demanded, 
from its ruler, ^25,000 for the same kind of injury to pro- 
perty, and the release of prisoners. The Tripolitans' trea- 
sury was nearly empty, and the commodore accepted, in- 
stead of cash, the release from captivity of eight Danish 
and two Neapolitan seamen who were held as slaves. This 
closed Decatur's services at sea. 

perry's victory. 

Perry's fleet, on Lake Erie, was the brig Lazvrence, 20 
guns, the brig Niagara, 20, brig Caledonia, 3, schooner 
Ariel, 4, schooner Scorpion, 2, and two swivels, sloop 
Trippe, i, schooner Tigress^ i, and schooner Porcupine, i. 
The British squadron was the ship Detroit, 19 guns, one 
on pivot, and two howitzers, ship Queen Charlotte, 17 guns, 
one howitzer, schooner Lady Provost, 13 guns, one how- 



1/2 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 



itzer, brig Hunter, lo guns, sloop Little Belt^ 3 guns, 
schooner Chippewa, i gun, and two swivels. 

On the morning of September 10, at sunrise, the British 
fleet was seen on the horizon. At ten o'clock the Laivrence 
was cleared for action, and Perry brought out a battle-flag 
with the dying words of Lawrence, *' Don't give up the 
ship." Perry said : " My brave lads ! This flag contains the 
last words of Captain Lawrence. Shall I hoist it? " 

"Ay, ay, sir," they all shouted, and aloft went the flag, 
greeted with cheers of the whole fleet. 

The Niagara, Captain Elliott, led the fleet. Barclay's 
vessels were near together, the Detroit (his flag-ship), in 
the van. At noon a bugle sounded on board the Detroit 
as a signal for action ; the British bands struck up " Rule 
Britannia," and a 24 pound shot was sent over the water 
from the Detroit toward the Lawrence. It fell short ; but 
a few minutes afterward another shot, from Barclay's long 
guns, went crashing through the bulwarks of the Laivrence. 
The latter kept silent. " Steady, boys ! Steady," said Perry, 
who knew the advantage possessed by Barclay with his 
long guns, and he determined to fight at close quarters. 
His ship suffered shockingly during the action — the Nia- 
gara falling behind — the Lawreitce receiving the fire of 
nearly all the heavy guns of the enemy. At last she be- 
came a wreck and a slaughter-house, without men to 
handle the o-uns. Lossing- writes: 

"The Niagara had lagged behind — the swift, staunch, 
well-manned Niagara. She did not come to the relief of 
the helpless and severely wounded Lawrence, but Perry 
went to her — an exploit at that hour of peril, one of the 
most gallant on record. He determined to fly to her, and, 
bearing down with her upon his foe, secure a victory. So 
certain did he feel of ultimate triumph, and having occasion 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 173 

to receive guests, that he exchanged his sailor's suit for the 
uniform of his rank. Leaving the gallant and thrice 
wounded Yarnall in charge of the Lawrence, the colors of 
which were yet flying, he entered a boat with his little 
brother and four stout seamen, and standing erect, with 
the pennant and battle flag half folded around him, he 
pushed off for the Niagara, half a mile distant. 

" The hero, now so conspicuous, was made a special 
mark for the missiles of his antagonists. Barclay knew 
that if the man who had fought the Lazvrence so bravely 
reached the Niagara, the British squadron would be in 
great danger of defeat. For fifteen minutes, during Perry's 
fearful voyage in the open boat, the great and little guns 
of the British, by Barclay's order, were brought to bear 
upon him, but he received no bodily harm from cannon 
balls, grape shot, canister and musket bullets showered 
upon him. Oars were splintered, bullets traversed the 
boat, and his oarsmen were covered with spray caused by 
the fall of round shot near the boat, but not a person was 
hurt. Perry sprung on board of the Niagara, X.Q)o\i the 
command, bore down upon the British, and broke their 
line. For awhile the whole American squadron was en- 
gaged in the combat. 

" Eight minutes after Perry dashed through the British 
line the colors of the Detroit were lowered, and her exam- 
ple was followed at once by all the other British vessels. 
The battle had lasted three hours. When the smoke 
cleared away, it was discovered that the vessels of the two 
squadrons were intermingled. The victory was complete. 
As soon as it was assured. Perry wrote, in pencil, on the 
back of an old letter, resting the paper on his navy cap, 
that remarkable dispatch to General Harrison, the first 
sentence of which has been so oft repeated : 



174 WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 

''We have met the enemy, and they are ours: two ships, two brigs, one 
schooner, and one sloop. 

Yours with great respect and esteem, 

O. H. Perry." 

" The next movement in the solemn drama was the recep- 
tion of the British officers, the expected guests of Perry — 
who deHvered to him their swords. Barclay had been 
severely wounded. All the captives were treated with 
great courtesy and kindness. The bodies of the slain were 
buried in the deep waters of the lake, at the twilight hour 
of that beautiful September day, after the impressive burial 
service of the Anglican Church had been read. 

" This victory proved to be one of the most important 
events of the war. It saved the western states from inva- 
sion by the British and Indians, and opened the way for 
Harrison to recover what Hull had lost, and more. It 
lifted the pall, of despondency, which reverses to the land 
troops had spread over the land, and there was great jubi- 
lation everywhere. The effect upon the country was elec- 
tric, and amazingly inspiring." 

The loth of September is as well remembered as the 
8th of January, and Perry's victory ranks with New Orleans 
in the general estimation. During many years it was cele- 
brated by popular festivals — the ringing of bells, the firing 
of cannon, public addresses and the singing of songs. The 
loth of September we shall ever remember. 

Although the English had surrendered, two of their 
boats tried to escape. It was the schooner Chippewa and 
the sloop Little Belt, who had taken advantage of the veil- 
ing cloud of smoke, in an endeavor to escape back to the 
Detroit river. 

The commander of the Scorpion, Stephen Chaplin, and 
Thomas Holdup, in command of the Trippe^ noticed this 



WHEN OUR NAVY WON GREAT GLORY. 175 

little trick on the part of the Englishmen, and went in 
chase, capturing both of them. It thus happened that 
Chaplin fired the last shot of the battle. 

After the British commander had struck his colors, a 
cheer went up from each of the American ships, the last 
of all beinof the battered Lawrence, from which came but a 
feeble response. Perry, who had been preparing to re- 
ceive the British officers, on hearing this faint appeal from 
the remnant of the crew of the Lawrence, determined to 
return to her at once. After informing the British officers 
that they would be received there, he entered a boat, and 
was conveyed to his former flagship. Those of his crew 
who were able, gathered to receive him with uncovered 
heads, in silence, amidst a most touching scene. 

The number of dead among the Americans was 27 (of 
whom 22 were killed on the Lawrence) ; the wounded, 96. 
The British lost 41 killed and 94 wounded. 



CHAPTER XI. 

JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

The BritUh and Spanish at Pensacola — The Advance of the Great New Orleans 
Expedition — An Appeal to the People of Louisiana and Kentucky to 
Accept Spanish Liberty — The Story of Lafitte and his Refusal of British 
Gold — The Overture of the Battle of Nevi^ Orleans and Jackson's Deal- 
ings with the Spaniards in Florida, 

In 1 8 14, In the latter days of August, the old Spanish 
town of Pensacola became lively. There was a British 
fleet in the harbor,- and Parton says: "Arms and 
ammunition in great quantities were landed and being 
conveyed to the forts." A body of negro soldiers 
from the West Indies, in the British uniform, had 
come on shore, along with several companies of English 
troops. The forts were in course of repair ; from one of 
them floated the English flag in friendly conjunction with 
the standard of Spain. The commander of the English 
forces had taken up his residence with the Spanish gov- 
ernor. There was a swarm of Indians. The forces were 
the advance of the great expedition that was to capture 
and hold New Orleans, and if the Engrlish did not want it 
for themselves, to restore it to the Spanish, who claimed 
Napoleon had no title to the Jefferson purchase. Lieut.- 
Col. Edward Nichols was the commander, and on his way 
from the Bahamas to Pensacola, he had touched at Havana, 
where the secret of his destination escaped, and was 
promptly conveyed to New Orleans. No sooner had he 
reached Pensacola than he published to his troops an 
Order of the Day, which in a few days appeared in the 

newspapers of New Orleans. The colonel had about 300 
176 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 177 

men, and addressed them as his majesty's forces at Pensa- ■ 
cola. He said to his soldiers : 

" The people whom you are now to aid and assist have suffered robberies and 
murders committed on them by Americans. 

" The noble Spanish nation has grieved to see her territories insulted ; having 
been robbed and despoiled of a portion of them while she was overwhelmed 
with distress, and held down by the chains which a tyrant had imposed on her, 
gloriously strugghng for the greatest of all possible blessings (true liberty). The 
treacherous Americans, who call themselves free, have attacked her, like assas- 
sins, while she was falling. But the day of retribution is fast approaching. 
These atrocities will excite horror in the heart of a British soldier, they will 
stimulate you to avenge them, and you will avenge them like British soldiers. 
Valor, then, and humanity ! " 

" Natives of Louisiana ! On you the first call is made to assist in liberating 
from a faithless, imbecile government, your paternal soil ! Spaniards, French- 
men, Italians and British, whether settled or residing for a time in Louisiana, on 
you, also, I call to aid me in this just cause ! The American usurpation of this 
country must be abolished, and the lawful owners of the soil put in possession. 
I am at the head of a large body of Indians, well armed, disciplined, and com- 
manded by British officers— a good train of artillery with every requisite, sec- 
onded by the powerful aid of a numerous British and Spanish squadron of ships 
and vessels of war. Be not alarmed, inhabitants of the country, at our ap- 
proach ; the same good faith and disinterestedness which have distinguished 
the conduct of Britons in Europe, accompanies them here ; you will have no 
fear of litigious taxes imposed on you for the purpose of carrying on an unnat- 
ural and unjust war; your property, your laws, the peace and tranquility of 
your country, will be guaranteed to you by men who will suffer no infringement 
of theirs • rest assured that these brave red men only burn with an ardent 
desire of' satisfaction, for the wrongs they have suffered from the Americans, 
to join you in liberating these souther nprovinces from their yoke, and driving 
them into those limits formerly prescribed by my sovereign. 

" Inhabitants of Kentuckv, you have too long borne with grievous imposi- 
tions The whole brunt of the war has fallen on your brave sons ; be imposed 
on no longer, but either range yourselves under the standard of your forefathers, 
or observe a strict neutrality ; if you comply with either of these offers, whatever 
provisions you send down, will be paid for in dollars, and the safety of the 
persons bringing them, as well as the free navigation of the Mississippi, guaran- 
teed to you. 

" Men of Kentuckv, let me call to your view (and I trust to your abhorrence) 
the conduct of those factions which hurried you into this civil, unjust, and 
unnatural war, at a time when Great Britain was straining every nerve in 
defence of her own and the liberties of the world— when the bravest of her 
sons were fighting and bleeding in so sacred a cause— when she was spending 



lyS JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

millions of her treasure in endeavoring to pull down one of the most formid- 
able and dangerous tyrants that ever disgraced the form of man— when groan- 
ing Europe was almost in her last gasp — when Britons alone showed an 
undaunted front— basely did those assassins endeavor to stab her from the 
rear; she has turned on them, renovated from the bloody but successful 
struggle. Europe is happy and free, and she now hastens justly to avenge the 
unprovoked insult. Show them that you are not collectively unjust; leave 
that contemptible few to shift for themselves, let those slaves of the tyrant send 
an embassy to Elba, and implore his aid ; but let every honest, upright Ameri- 
can spurn them with united contempt. After the experience of twenty-one 
years, can you any longer support those brawlers for liberty, who call it freedom 
when they themselves are free ? Be no longer their dupes — accept of my offers 
—everything I have promised in this paper I guarantee to you, on the sacred 
honor of a British officer." 

A body of seven hundred Indians was raised to aid in 
restoring Spanish liberty to the people of Louisiana, and to 
give the Kentuckians a chance to redeem themselves from 
the offence of being friends of Bonaparte. The real effect 
of the expedition was to obtain knowledge of the gulf ports, 
and they made the discovery of Barataria, a rendezvous not 
of pirates but of privateers, with Jean Lafitte, blacksmith, 
as chief. The British armed ship Sophia found the little 
harbor, and Lafitte, according to Barton's lively description : 

" Ordered out his boat and proceeded, rowed by four men, to the shallow 
strait that formed the entrance to the harbor ; where he saw, not without aston- 
ishment, an armed vessel showing British colors. At the same moment, a 
boat, with a white signal flying from the bow, and the British flag from the stern, 
darted from the vessel's side and rapidly approached him. It contained three 
officers in British uniform, who proved to be Captain Lockyer, a lieutenant of 
the SopJiia and a captain of the army. Upon coming up. Captain Lockyer 
called out his name and rank, and inquired if Mr. Lafitte was at home. Lafitte, 
puzzled at these proceedings, rephed that that individual could be seen on shore 
at the settlement, and invited the officers to accompany him to Mr. Lafitte's 
quarters. On the way across the harbor, however, he announced himself as 
Jean Lafitte; whereupon Captain Lockyer handed him a package, directed to 
' Mr. Lafitte,' which Captain Lockyer stated was an important communication 
from the British government, Lafitte cautioned them to conceal their object 
from the men on shore. These lawless buccaneers, it may be remarked, besides 
being, in their way, loyal to the United States, had a lively recollection of a 
dash made upon their settlement by British ships at the beginning of the war, 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 179 

when some of their vessels had been captured, and some of their plunder car- 
ried off. When, therefore, the uniform of the officers was recognized by the 
crowd on the beach, a tumult arose, and they clamored loudly for their seizure. 
" Lafitte contrived to pacify them for the moment, and conducted the officers 
to his quarters. Before proceeding to business, Lafitte, who was a man of su- 
perior address, and exceedingly polite, ordered a repast to be prepared for his 
guests. The costliest wines of Spain, the daintiest fruits of the West Indies, 
the fish and game of the neighborhood, were served to the astonished officers 
on the finest carved silver plate; and the urbane Lafitte presided at the feast 
with the courtly grace that belonged to the Frenchman of that day, whether 
peasant, privateersman, or noble. The banquet over, cigars were handed 
round, of a flavor which seldom regales the senses of people who obtain their 
cigars by the vulgar process of purchase. While these were discussed, the 
polite and reticent Mr. Lafitte proceeded to open and examine the package 
addressed to him." 

Colonel Nichols called upon Lafitte and his "brave fol- 
lowers to enter the service of Great Britain and offered 
him the rank of a captain ; with lands to all of his people in 
proportion to their respective ranks." The first point the 
British hoped to make was the capture of Mobile, 

Captain Lockyer, the British officer in authority, offered 
Lafitte besides a captaincy in the British army, thirty thou- 
sand dollars in cash, payable at New Orleans or Pensacola. 
The war, said Lockyer, was about to be prosecuted with 
unusual vigor. The great expedition against New Orleans 
was already on its way. There could be no doubt of its 
success. Indeed, they expected to meet with scarcely any 
opposition in Louisiana, the people of which, being of differ- 
ent manners and temper from the Americans, would receive 
the expedition, he thought, with joy. As soon as the Eng- 
lish were in possession of New Orleans, they intended to 
effect a junction with the forces in Canada, when the United 
States would be at their mercy. From being proscribed 
and persecuted, his brother in prison and his establishment 
in danger, he had only to join the English, and give them 
the benefit of his intimate knowledge of the Gulf, and rank, 
fame and fortune were his own. 



l8o JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

Lafitte asked for a fortnight's time, and immediately com- 
municated with the authorities of Louisiana, saying: "This 
point of Louisiana which I occupy is of great importance in 
the present crisis. I tender my services to defend it ; and 
the only reward I ask is that a stop be put to the proscrip- 
tion against me and my adherents, by an act of oblivion for 
all that has been done hitherto. I am the stray sheep wish- 
ing to return to the fold." Lafitte' s story was not believed 
and his establishment was soon broken up by those he 
sought to serve, but when the people got hold of the facts 
they believed him, and he was one of the factors in saving 
New Orleans from the overwhelming invasion of Welling- 
ton's veterans who were beaten on Jackson's Day, January 
8, 1815. 

It was as the conqueror of the Creeks, the avenger of 
the Fort Mimms massacre, that Andrew Jackson first gained 
notoriety as a military chieftain, became "Old Hickory" and 
was prepared to become the hero of New Orleans. The 
British did not retire gracefully from the gulf coast after 
their failure with a great fleet and army to occupy and pos- 
sess Louisiana with the mouths of the Mississippi, and 
those who lingered, found themselves in queer associations 
in Florida, mingling with Spaniards, Seminoles and negroes, 
very few and independent, armed and organized as ma- 
rauders, with a fort containing a great deal of gunpowder 
and arms. The British, in the treaty of Ghent, sought to 
protect their Indian allies, and the provisions of the treaty 
were stretched to include officers, and that remarkable 
literary and military man, Col. Edward Nichols, who issued 
a proclamation to Kentuckians, reappeared. The Seminoles 
were his pets, and, as Parton describes him : "He went 
through the preposterous ceremony, in the spring of 18 15, 
of forming an alliance offensive and defensive between the 




GENERAL BLANCO. 




VICE-PRESIDENT HOBAKT. 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 183 

Seminoles and Great Britain. He repaired and strength- 
ened a fort on the Appalachicola river, sixty miles below 
the junction of the Chattahoochie and Flint, which he 
styled the ' British Post on the Appalachicola,' and which 
afterwards acquired a sad celebrity as the ' Negro Fort.' 
These things he did entirely, it seems, on his own responsi- 
bility, and without condescending to pay the slightest 
regard to the authority of the Spanish governor." 

The Spanish and Seminoles and the negro bandits took 
kindly to Nichols, who thus addressed Col. Benjamin 
Hawkins : 

"British Post, Appalachicola River, May 12, 181 5. 

" In my letter to you of the 28th ult., I requested you would be so good as to 
make inquiry into the murder and robberies committed on the Seminoles be- 
longing to the chief called Bowlegs, at the same time declaring my determination 
of punishing with the utmost rigor of the law any one of our side who broke it." 

Nichols was for peace in his proclamations, but he con- 
tinued the letter to Colonel Hawkins : 

" Since the last complaint from Bowlegs, I have had another from him to 
say, your citizens have again attacked and murdered two of his people ; that 
they had stolen a gang of his cattle, but that he had succeeded in regaining 
them. 

" I asked him what proof he had of their being killed. He said they had 
found their bloody clothes in the American camp, which was hastily evacuated 
on their approach. Now, sir, if these enormities are suffered to be carried on 
in a Christian country, what are you to expect by showing such an example to 
the uncultivated native of the woods (for savage I will not call them, their con- 
duct entitles them to a better epithet) ? I have, however, ordered them to stand 
on the defensive, and have sent them a large supply of arms and am?nunition, 
and told them to put to death, without jnercy, any one 7nolcsti}ig them ; but at 
all times to be careful and not to put a foot over the American line. In the 
meantime that I should complain to you ; that I was convinced you would do 
your best to curb such infamous conduct. Also that those people who have 
done such deeds would, I was convinced, be disavowed by the government of 
the United States and severely punished. They have given their consent to 
await your answer before they take revenge; but, sir, they are impatient for it, 
and well armed as the nation ttow is, and stored zvith ammunition and provi- 
sions, having a stronghold to retire upon in case of a superior force appearing, 
II 



l84 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

pic f lire to yourself, sir, the miseries t/iat may be suffered by good ajid innocent 
citizens on your frontiers, and I am sure that you will lend me your best aid in 
keeping the bad spirits in subjection. 

"Yesterday, in a full assembly of chiefs, I got them to pass a law for four 
resolute chiefs to be appointed in different parts of the nation, something in the 
character of our sheriffs, for the purpose of inflicting condign punishment on 
such people as broke the law, and I will say this much for them, that I never 
saw men execute laws better than they do. 

" I am also desired to say to you by the chiefs, that they do not find that 
your citizens are evacuating their lands, according to the ninth article of the 
treaty of peace, but that they were fresh provisioning the forts. This point, sir, 
I beg of you to look into. They also request me to inform you that they have 
signed a treaty of offensive and defensive allegiance with Great Britain, as well 
as one of commerce and navigation, which, as soon as it is ratified at home, 
you shall be made more fully acquainted with. 
" I am, sir, your very humble servant, 

Edward Nichols, 
Commanding his Britannic Majesty's forces in the Creek Nation. 

"Addressed ' On his Britannic Majesty's service, to Col. Benjamin Hawkins, 
commanding at Fort Hawkins.' " 

Colonel Nichols sailed for England after doing all the 
mischief he could, and proving that he knew as little of 
Indians as he did of Kentucklans, but he did not succeed 
in getting the recognition he wanted. One of the savages 
with Nichols, was a red prophet named Francis, and he 
was presented. In consideration of his past services, 
with the commission and uniform of a brigadier general, 
a gold-mounted tomahawk, a diamond snuff-box, and a 
sum of money. He was also admitted to an Interview 
with the Prince Regent, who received him with an imposing 
show of ceremony. "A double flourish of trumpets," says a 
journal of the time, " announced the approach to the pres- 
ence of the Regent of * the patriot Francis, who fought so 
gloriously In our cause in America. He was dressed in a 
most splendid suit of red and gold, and by his side he wore 
the tomahawk mounted In gold.' " 

The swamps of Florida afforded refuge for many negro 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 185 

slaves, and their numbers were, in 18 16, estimated at 800. 
They had a chief, Garcon, and the fort erected by Colonel 
Nichols, on the Appalachicola, was their stronghold. Nich- 
ols thought he left the fort to the Seminoles, but they pre- 
ferred the woods. The fort was strong, mounted twelve 
cannon, and Nichols had been good enough to leave the 
Indians 2500 muskets, the same number of sets of accoutre- 
ments, five hundred carbines, five hundred steel-scabbarded 
swords, four hundred pistols, three hundred quarter-casks 
of rifle powder, and seven hundred and sixty-three barrels 
of common powder. The arms were new and of excellent 
quality, and the greater part of them were still in the boxes 
and packing-cases in which they had been brought from 
England. 

The negroes thought their fort a secure refuge. It 
placed them on a pedestal. About this fort Andrew Jack- 
son wrote a letter to the Spanish governor at Pensacola, 
who was supposed to control the territory where the fort 
was located. Jackson said he could not permit himself to 
indulge the belief, that " the governor of Pensacola, or the 
military commander at that place, will hesitate a moment 
in giving orders for this banditti to be dispersed, and the 
property of the citizens of the United States forthwith 
restored to them, and our friendly Indians particularly, 
when I reflect that the conduct of this banditti is such as 
will not be tolerated by our government, and if not put 
down by Spanish authority, will compel us, in self-defence, 
to destroy them. This communication is entrusted to 
Captain Amelung, of the first regiment of United States 
Infantry, who is charged to bring back such answer as you 
will be pleased to make to this letter. In your answer you 
will be pleased to state whether that fort has been built by 
the government of Spain, and whether those negroes who 



1 86 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

garrison it are considered as subjects of his Catholic 
Majesty, and if not by his CathoHc Majesty, by whom, and 
under whose orders it has been erected." 

The Spanish governor hoped in many words General 
Jackson would not consider himself bound to do anything 
in violation of the sovereignty of the king, his royal master. 
Having spread these sentiments over ten pages of foolscap, 
the sublime governor concluded by observing that he held 
the virtues and military talents of General Jackson in the 
highest possible esteem, and that he prayed God to pre- 
serve his excellency many years. 

The Spanish had not the force at Pensacola to fight the 
negroes with, and Jackson ascertaining that, wrote to the 
War Department that the Spanish authorities would not 
take it seriously amiss if the negro fort were destroyed 
by the forces under his own command, and he requested 
the orders of the President with regard to it. 

General Gaines, in the spring of 1816, having Fort Scott 
to build at the junction of the Chattahoochie and Flint, at- 
tempted to navigate the Appalachicola. The negroes re- 
sisted the freedom and fired on a boat sent to ask informa- 
tion. The men were savagely massacred. Colonel Clinch, 
with two companies, dropped down the river and was 
joined by a party of Seminoles who had a way of seizing 
and selling fugitive slaves. There was at the same time 
an expedition ascending the river. During the first day of 
the investment, the Indians, during an interval of silence, 
demanded the surrender of their fort. The negroes hooted 
derisively in reply, hoisted a red flag, and over it on the 
same staff the British union jack, and sent a thirty-two 
pound shot crashing into the forest again. On the ap- 
proach of Colonel Clinch, all the negroes in the vicinity had 
hurried into the fort for safety. The place contained, when 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 187 

it was invested, one hundred men and two hundred and 
thirty-four women and children. There were two maga- 
zines within the fortification, one containing- six hundred 
barrels of powder, and the other one hundred and sixty- 
three. The negroes fired artillery with great enthusiasm, but 
without effect except in smashing trees and scaring the In- 
dians, No impression was made on the fort until a heated 
cannon ball was fired with steady, accurate aim. It pene- 
trated the magazine, and the. great store of powder ex- 
ploded. 

Of the three hundred and thirty-four inmates of the fort 
two hundred and seventy were killed instantly ! The 
greater part of those who were taken out alive died soon 
after. Three men only crawled from the ruins uninjured, 
one of whom was Garcon, the commandant. 

The Indians, with that mingled meanness and ferocity 
which marks their conduct on such occasions, raised the 
untimely yell of triumph, and clambered up the bluff. The 
troops and the crews of the gun-boats, stunned and appalled 
for some moments by the explosion, soon followed. The 
gun boat-men were concerned for the fate of the sailor 
Daniels, who had been taken prisoner by Garcon at the 
mouth of the river and conducted to the fort. Upon in- 
quiring of the survivors what had become of him, they as- 
certained that he had been tarred and burned alive. As a 
punishment for this savage act, Garcon and a Choctaw 
chief were delivered over to the Seminoles, who also 
carried off a large supply of British muskets, and other 
weapons, becoming very dangerous. 

The immense store of powder bestowed with diplomatic 
indirection by the British upon the free and independent 
negroes, who had a grand fort meant for Seminoles, who 
preferred larger liberties than those enjoyed in fortifications, 



1 88 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

proved the destruction of the civiHzed community, and 
Andrew Jackson, general commanding, was reUeved of all re- 
sponsibility for the escaped property in mass of the Southern 
farmers, and deprived of a promising opening for war with 
the Spaniards. The explosion of six hundred barrels of 
powder erased the black blot from the landscape, but the 
Seminoles carried off all the English muskets they wanted, 
and themselves became the disturbers of the peace, and 
the first of the several Seminole wars was soon under way 
and lingered like the hostilities of later days in Cuba. 

"On the 1 6th of January, 1818 [we quote from the 
'Life of Andrew Jackson,' by John Frost, 1847I, ^^ Secre- 
tary of War wrote General Gaines, informing him that the 
honor of the United States required that the war with the 
Seminoles should be terminated speedily, and with exem- 
plary punishment for hostilities so unprovoked; and that 
orders were issued directino- the war to be carried on within 
the limits of Florida, should it be necessary to its speedy 
and effectual termination. These orders, it was presumed, 
he had received. That as soon as it was known that he 
had repaired to Amelia island, in obedience to them, and 
it being uncertain how long he might be detained there, 
the state of things at Fort Scott made it necessary to order 
General Jackson to take command there. From his known 
promptitude, it was presumable that his arrival might soon 
be expected. 

" A letter from the Secretary of War to General Jackson, 
dated January 29, 181 8, acknowledged the receipt of letters 
from him of the 12th and 13th of that month; and states 
that the measures he had taken to bring an efficient force 
into the field were approved ; and it concluded by express- 
ing a confident hope that a speedy and successful termina- 
tion of the Indian war would follow his exertions. 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 189 

"He crossed the Flint river on the loth of March and 
advanced with his army toward the mouth of the Appala- 
chicola. On the i6th he arrived at Prospect Bhiff, the site 
of the Indian and negro fort which had been blown up by 
the fire of the American gunboats, in the month of July, 
1 817. This Jackson ordered to be rebuilt, designing to 
use it as a depot for the provisions expected from New 
Orleans. He called it Fort Gadsden, in honor of one of 
his aids. General Gaines joined him in his march to the 

fort. 

" Having completed the necessary arrangements at Fort 
Gadsden, General Jackson started from that point on the 
26th of March, for the purpose of driving the enemy from 
the Mickasuky villages. When he had nearly reached 
these villages, on the ist of April, he was joined by the 
main body of the Tennessee volunteers, who, having heard 
of the starving condition of the garrisons stationed at Forts 
Gaines and Scott, had taken a circuitous route through 
Georo-ia, to obtain subsistence. As he approached the 
principal village his advanced guard had a smart conflict 
with a party of Indians, who fled as soon as the main body 
came up. When the army entered the towns they were 
found deserted by their inhabitants. The wigwams were 
burned, the adjacent country reconnoitred, and an abund- 
ant supply of corn and catde obtained. In the council- 
house of the principal village, Jackson found more than 
fifty fresh scalps, and in the centre of the town, the old 
Red-stick standard stood crowned with the scalps, recog- 
nized by the hair as those torn from the heads of the unfor- 
tunate companions of Lieutenant Scott. 

" Hearing that a body of five hundred negroes and 
Indians had approached St. Mark's, and having been 
refused admittance, had demanded its surrender, and 



1 90 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

knowing the duplicity of Luengo, the governor, who now 
pretended friendship for the Americans, while a short time 
before he had, to the best of his ability, aided and protected 
their enemies, — knowing these things, General Jackson 
left Mcintosh with his warriors to scour the country in the 
neighborhood of Mickasuky village, and hastened to pre- 
vent the surrender of the strong post of St. Mark's to the 
enemies of the United States. From the moment that the 
Negro-Indian fort was destroyed, St. Mark's had become 
the depot and storehouse of the savages, 

" This post was now threatened by the hostile Indians 
and negroes, and the Spanish garrison was unable to defend 
it against them. It was, therefore, necessary to occupy it 
with an American garrison, to prevent it from falling into 
the hands of the Seminoles, who, uncontrolled by Spain, 
might issue forth at any time, murder the citizens of the 
United States, and, when closely pursued, fall back upon 
St. Mark's, their stronghold. Accordingly, General Jack- 
son marched to that fort, took possession of it without 
the least resistance, and shipped the Spanish authorities 
and garrison to Pensacola. It was near St. Mark's that 
Alexander Arbuthnot was captured. 

" Arbuthnot's schooner was taken at the mouth of the 
Suwanee river and employed in transporting the sick and 
baggage of the army to St. Mark's. On the i8th, Robert 
C. Ambrister, late a lieutenant of marines in the British 
service under Nichols, was captured in the neighborhood 
of the villages. Ambrister was accused of leading and 
inciting the Indians to make war on the Americans, and 
was detained a close prisoner until the general found an 
opportunity to examine the evidence on which the accusa- 
tion rested. 

"On the next day (22d) he convened a special court for 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA 191 

the purpose of investigating the charges exhibited against 
Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister; with in- 
structions to record all the documents and testimony of 
the several cases, and give their opinion as to the guilt or 
innocence of the prisoners, and what punishment (if any) 
should be inflicted. This court of inquiry was composed 
of Major-General Gaines, president, three colonels, three 
lieutenant-colonels, four majors, two captains and a lieu- 
tenant. 

" The court of inquiry found Arbuthnot guilty of exciting 
and sdrring up the Creek Indians to war against the United 
States and her citizens, he being a subject of Great Britain, 
with whom the United States were at peace ; and of aiding, 
abetting and comfordng the enemy, and supplying them 
with the means of war. They accordingly sentenced him 
to be suspended by the neck until he was dead. 

"They also found Ambrister guilty of aiding, abetting, 
and comfordng the enemy, and supplying them with the 
means of war, he being a subject of Great Britain, who 
were at peace with the United States, and late an officer in 
the Bridsh colonial marines, and also of leading and com- 
manding the lower Creek Indians, in carrying on a war 
against the United States. They, therefore, sentenced him 
to suffer death by being shot. The members of the court 
requested a reconsideration of the vote on this sentence ; 
and, it being had, they sentenced him to receive fifty stripes 
on the bare back, and to be confined with a ball and chain, 
at hard labor, for twelve months." 

This, not being a court martial had no authority to pro- 
nounce sentence upon the prisoners ; but as a special court, 
or a court of inquiry into the circumstance of the case, to 
advise the commanding-general, in such cases as he might 
require their opinion. Accordingly, General Jackson ap- 



192 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

proved the sentence of the court with regard to Alexander 
Arbuthnot, and he was hung on the 29th of April. He 
also approved the first sentence of the court in the case of 
Robert C. Ambrister, and disapproved its reconsideration. 
In passing final sentence upon Ambrister, the general re- 
marked : " It appears from the evidence and pleading of 
the prisoner, that he, being a subject of Great Britain, did 
lead and command, within the territory, of Spain, the In- 
dians in a war against the United States, those nations 
being at peace. It is an established principle of the law of 
nations, that any individual of a nation making war against 
the citizens of any other nation, they being at peace, for- 
feits his allegiance, and becomes an outlaw and pirate. This 
is the case of Robert C. Ambrister, clearly shown by the 
evidence adduced." He was accordingly shot on the same 
day that Arbuthnot was executed. 

On the 5th day of May he wrote to the Secretary of 
War from Fort Gadsden, and gave him a detailed account 
of his operations in the war, and also informed him of the 
execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. In this dispatch 
he says : " I hope the execution of these two unprincipled 
villains will prove an awful example to the world, and con- 
vince the government of Great Britain, as well as her 
subjects, that certain, if slow, retribudon awaits those un- 
christian wretches, who, by false promises, delude and 
excite an Indian tribe to all the horrid deeds of savage 
war." 

It was in this campaign, *' away down on the Suwanee 
river," that the ill-fated Arbuthnot had a trading post, and 
a letter of his to his son warned the Indians Jackson was 
after, to get across " The River of the Song." Mr. Graham 
Sumner says in his "American Statesmen : " "Their escape 
enraged Jackson. He had already regarded Arbuthnot as 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 193 

one of the British emissaries. He now considered Arbuth- 
not's letter an overt act of interference in the war. The 
town was burned by Jackson." 

Mr. Graham Sumner evidendy regards General Jackson 
as having been an arbitrary "American statesman." He 
says with great simplicity of the General, " It was as a 
mere incident of his homeward march that Jackson turned 
aside and captured Pensacola, May 24, 181 8, because he 
was told that some Indians had taken refuge there. He 
deposed the Spanish government, set up a new one, and 
established a garrison. He then continued his march 
homewards." But the close of this record is, " General 
Jackson had, in five months, broken the Indian power, 
established peace on the border, and substantially con- 
quered Florida." 

Frost says : " Robert C. Ambrister had formerly borne a 
lieutenant's commission in the British service, under Nich- 
ols and Woodbine, and had remained in the Floridas as a 
kind of successor and agent to them. He had resided a con- 
siderable time at Suwanee, and pursued the same general 
system of measures in relation to the negroes and Indians 
as Arbuthnot had done ; though not to the same extent, or 
in concert with him. When the alarm was given of the 
approach of the American troops, he put himself at the head 
of what Indians and negroes he could rally, broke open 
Arbuthnot's store, and distributed its contents, among which 
were some powder and ball, to his followers, and attempted 
to organize a party to go out and fight the Americans." 

It was on the loth of May, that General Jackson, having 
smitten the Seminoles, hanged Arbuthnot, shot Ambris- 
ter, and restored tranquillity, except where the Spaniards 
were in authority, arrived at Escambria, near Pensacola, 
with twelve hundred men. He notified the governor of his 



194 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

approach, who, in answer, ordered him to retire from 
Florida ; and if he did not, that he would use force to repel 
him. Frost says, "The governor of Pensacola did not 
apply force to prevent Nichols from occupying his town ; 
he did not use force to prevent Indians and negroes, hostile 
to the United States, from entering Pensacola. The General, 
hearino- that some hostile Indians had received provisions 
in Pensacola, and had escaped across the bay, disregarded 
the remonstrance of the Spanish governor, and determined 
to take the town. His obligations to the United States 
compelled him to do so. Spain was expressly obliged, by 
treaty, to restrain, by force, the Indians within her territory 
from committinor hostilities aorainst the United States. The 
Spanish officers commanding in Florida did not restrain 
the Indians from war, but aided and abetted them in it ; it 
then became the duty of Spain to have displaced and 
superseded those officers, and to have confided to others the 
command of Florida, who would have preserved the neutral 
character of that territory. Spain did not displace or 
supersede them. In order, therefore, to prevent the per- 
petration of future atrocities by Indians, negroes, and 
foreign emissaries and impostors, it became necessary to 
occupy St. Mark's, Pensacola and the Barrancas, with de- 
tachments of troops from the United States, who would 
defend these fortresses, not from the lawful authority of 
Spain, but from unlawful seizure and occupation by enemies 
of the United States, consisting of Indians, negroes, and 
the villains from other countries, who were stimulating 
these savages to every species of barbarous warfare on 
our exposed frontier." 

On the 24th, General Jackson, at the head of twelve 
hundred men, in the language of President McKinley, in 
his first annual message, regarding Spanish insults in Cuba, 



JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 195 

" intervened with force " to remove the Spaniards from 
Florida, Jackson advanced against Pensacola, captured the 
town, besieged and took the fortress of Barrancas, at 
the entrance, to the bay, sent the Spanish authorities to 
Havana, and the government of the United States extended 
her authority over the captured posts, until they should be 
restored by proper representation to Spain. 

General Jackson then scoured the whole territory in 
search of the fugitives, and having made every necessary 
arrangement for the security of the settlers, discharged his 
Tennessee volunteers, left General Gaines in command, 
and returned to the Hermitage near Nashville. Three 
months afterwards, St. Augustine, the only remaining 
Spanish fortress in Florida, was captured by General 
Gaines, in obedience to General Jackson's orders, and the 
whole province was thus brought into the military pos- 
session of the United States. 

It was decided that the Spanish posts taken by Jackson 
should be restored and Jackson was threatened mildly with 
a court martial, for his impetuous executive ability. In a 
letter to the Secretary of War, June 2, 1818, Jackson said : 
" The Seminole war may now be considered at a close ; 
tranquillity is again restored to the southern frontier of the 
United States, and as long as a cordon of military posts is 
maintained along the Gulf of Mexico, America has nothing 
to apprehend from either foreign or Indian hostilities. 
The immutable principles of self-defence jusdfied the occu- 
pancy of the Floridas, and the same principles will warrant 
the American government in holding it, until such time as 
Spain can guaranty, by an adequate military force, the 
maintaining of her authority within the colony." 

Jackson returned to Nashville and resigned his com- 
mission in the army. The Spaniards in Florida never re- 



196 JACKSON AND THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 

covered from the shock he gave them, and they did not 
feel that the honor of their arms demanded they should 
expend their resources in men and money to retain that 
peninsula. It would have been well if their practical wis- 
dom had asserted itself in the case of Cuba. The Seminole 
and Spanish campaign of Jackson, three years after his 
victory at New Orleans, was a fitting appendix to the tri- 
umphant defence of the mouth of the Mississippi river. 

The war, though not one of the big wars that make am- 
bition virtue, is worthy to be celebrated as one of the 
strokes of enterprising daring and good fortune, that have 
rounded out our country, tracing her boundaries by the 
great lakes and the Gulf that is the American Mediter- 
ranean, and along the surf of the two great oceans of the 
Globe pulsating on our shores. 



CHAPTER XII. 

OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

Clay and Webster on Presidential Power and the Right of Free Speech and 
Humane Sympathy with Liberty at Home and Abroad— Henry Clay on 
the Power or the President and the Duties of a Nation to Humanity- 
Henry Clay's Flaming Denunciations of the Turks for Carrying on War 
against the Greeks— The most Atrocious and Brutal War that ever 
Stained Earth or Shocked High Heaven— Daniel Webster Accused of 
being a Revolutionist— This for some Civil Words to Kossuth— How the 
Great Constitutional Lawyer and Conservative Statesman Answered the 
Charge— The Famous Hulsemann Letters— Laying Down the Great 
American Principles of our Relations with Other Nations and the Cause 
of Liberty. 

In 1824 Daniel Webster offered the following resolution 
in the House of Representatives : 

Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for defraying the expense 
incident to the appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever 
the President shall deem it expedient to make such appointment. 

Henry Clay, on the 20th of January, 1824, said in regard 
to Mr. Webster's resolution : 

" Mr. C hairman : Is it not extraordinary that for these two successive years 
the President of the United States should have been freely indulged, not only 
without censure, but with universal applause, to express the feehngs which 
both the resolution and the amendment proclaim, and yet, if this House venture 
to unite with him, the most awful consequences are to ensue. Everywhere the 
interest in the Grecian cause is felt with the deepest intensity, expressed in 
every form, and increases with every new day and passing hour, and are the 
representatives of the people alone to be insulated from the common moral 
atmosphere of the whole land ? 

"This measure has been most unreasonably magnified. Gentlemen speak 
of the watchful jealousy of the Turk and seem to think the slightest move- 
ment of this body will be matter of serious speculation at Constantinople. The 
Turk will, in all probability, never hear of the names of the gentlemen who 
either espouse or uphold the resolution. It certainly is not without value, and 
that value is not altogether without a moral. 

197 



198 OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

" There is reason to apprehend that a tremendous storm is ready to burst 
upon our happy country, one which will call into action all our vigor, courage 
and resources. Is it wise or prudent in preparing for the storm, if it must come 
to talk to this nation of its incompetency to repel the European invasion, to 
lower its spirit, to weaken its moral energy, and to qualify it for easy con- 
quest and base submission? If there be any reality in the dangers which are 
supposed to encompass us should we not animate the people and adjure them 
to believe, as I do, that our resources are ample and that we can bring into the 
field a million of freemen ready to exhaust their last drop of blood, and to spend 
their last cent in the defense of the country, its liberty and its institutions ? Sir, 
are we, if united, to be conquered by all Europe combined ? All the perils to 
which we could possibly be exposed are much less in reality than the imagina- 
tion is disposed to paint them. They are best averted by an habitual contem- 
plation of them, by reducing them to their true dimensions. If combined 
Europe is to precipitate itself upon us, we cannot too soon begin to invigorate 
our strength, to teach our heads to think, our hearts to conceive, and our arms 
to execute the high and noble deeds which belong to the character and glory of 
our country. 

" The experience of the world instructs us that conquests are already achieved, 
which are boldly and firmly resolved on, and that men only become slaves who 
have ceased to resolve to be free. We may content ourselves with studying the 
true character of our own people, and with knowing that the interests are confided 
to us of a nation capable of doing and suffering all things for liberty. Such a 
nation, if its rulers be faithful, must be invincible. Are we so humble, so low, 
so debased that we dare not express our sympathy for suffering Greece, that 
we dare not articulate our detestation of the brutal excesses of which she has 
been the bleeding victim, lest we might offend some one or more of their im- 
perial and royal majesties ? 

" If gentlemen are afraid to act rashly on such a subject, suppose, Mr. Chair- 
man, that we unite in an humble petition addressed to their majesties, beseech- 
ing them that of their gracious condescension they would allow us to express 
our feelings and our sympathies. How shall it run ? ' We, the representatives 
of the free people of the United States of America, humbly approach the 
thrones of your imperial and royal majesties and supplicate that of your imperial 
and royal clemency ' — I cannot go through the disgusting recital. My lips 
have not yet learned to pronounce the sycophantic language of a degraded 
slave. 

"Are we so mean, so base, so despicable that we may not attempt to express 
our horror, utter our indignation at the most brutal and atrocious war that ever 
stained earth or shocked high Heaven ; at the ferocious deeds of a savage and 
infuriated soldiery stimulated and urged on by the clergy of a fanatical and 
inimical religion and rioting in all the excesses of blood and butchery, at the 
mere details of which the heart sickens and recoils ? If the great body of 
Christendom can look on calmly and coolly while all this is perpetuated on a 




SECRETARY PRUDEN CARRYING McKINLEY'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. 



OUR RELA7V0NS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 2OI 

Christian people in its own immediate vicinity, in its very presence, let us at 
least evince that one of its remote extremities is susceptible of sensibility to 
Christian wrongs and capable of sympathy for Christian sufferings ; that in this 
remote quarter of the world, our hearts are not yet closed against compassion 
for human woes, that they pour out their indignant feelings at the oppression of 
a people endeared to us by every ancient recollection and every modern tie, as 
her attempts have been made to alarm the committee by the dangers of our 
commerce in the Mediterranean, ah, sir, ' what shall it profit a man if he gam 
the whole world and lose his own soul?' Or, what shall it avail a nation to 
save the whole of a miserable trade and lose its liberties ?" 

" It is not for Greece alone that I desire to see this measure adopted. It will 
give to her but little support, and that purely of a moral kind. It is principally 
for America, for the credit and character of our common country, for our own 
unsullied name that I hope to see it pass. 

'' Go home, if you can ; go home, if you dare, to your constituents, and tell 
them that you voted it down. Meet, if you can, the appalling countenances of 
those who sent you here, and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of 
your own sentiments ; that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, 
some indescribable danger, drove you from your purpose ; but that scimetars and 
crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you and alarmed you ; and that you 
suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, liberty, by national 
independence and by humanity ! '' 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State in President Fill- 
more's term, laid down, in the language of diplomacy, the 
principle that any citizen of the United States, had the right 
to free speech, whether favorable or otherwise to a foreign 
government, and that under the flag of the United States 
all were protected. The Hungarian patriot, Kossuth, had 
been a sort of guest of the Nation, and was tendered 
many public honors. The Austrian Charge d'Affaires 
Chevalier Hulsemann objected particularly to the fact that 
the Secretary of State had publicly delivered an address 
in the presence of Kossuth, which he claimed was revolu- 
tionary and in which was held out encouragement to Hun- 
gary in her struggle for liberty. The Chevalier took it 
upon himself to complain to the President of the United 
States and also to write to the Secretary of State objecting 
to what he claimed was an international discourtesy, par- 



202 OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

ticularly the proposing of a test for the speedy emancipation 
of Hungary by the Secretary of State. The following letter 
addressed to Mr. McCurdy, the American Charge d' Affaires 
at Vienna, shows how Daniel Webster, in his personal 
capacity, handled the difficulty. 

The Secretary of State to Mr. McCurdy. 

Department of State, Washington, June 8, 1852. 

Sir : — I transmit a copy of a note of the 29th of April last, addressed to me 
by Chevalier Hulsemann, announcing his intention of returning to Austria. 
This note leached me in Baltimore, I being then bound on a visit to Massa- 
chusetts from which I have now lately returned. On receiving it I directed 
Mr. Hunter to return the answer, a copy of which is also herewith inclosed. 
It is obvious from the tenor of all his recent communications to this depart- 
ment, that the Chevalier Hulsemann's experience in the diplomatic service of 
his government has not instructed him accurately in the nature and limits of 
his official functions, and that, notwithstanding his long residence in this coun- 
try, he is quite uninformed as to the character of our institutions and the re- 
sponsibility of public men in the United States, for their acts and for their 
sentiments in a private capacity in regard to the foreign powers. 

The Chevalier Hulsemann came here in 1838 as Secretary of Legation, under 
the highly accomplished Baron de Mareschall, who was accredited as Envoy 
Extraordinary to his Imperial Majesty. Ever since the retirement of that 
gentleman he has acted as Charge d' Affaires, but, so far as we are aware 
without any regular commission from his government. It is certain that he 
has never been accredited to this department by the Austrian Minister for 
Foreign Affairs. The Chevalier Hulsemann, it appears, has yet to learn that 
no foreign government or its representative can take just offence at anything 
which an officer of this government may say in his private capacity. 

Official communications only are to be regarded as indicating the sentiments 
and views of the government of the United States. If these communications 
are friendly in their character, the foreign government has no right or reason 
to infer that there is any insincerity in them, or to point to other matters as 
showing the real sentiments of the government. You will see from Chevalier 
Hulsemann's note that he made an appeal to the President against what he 
calls newspaper improprieties, and unofficial remarks of the head of this de- 
partment. The President, actuated by a benevolent desire to preserve unim- 
paired the friendly relations between the two governments, waved ceremony, 
and unofficially listened to his remarks. In pursuing this course, however, he 
by no means intended to allow the Chevalier Hulsemann to suppose that he was 
not well aware of his official position. The Chevalier Hulsemann should 
know that a Charge d' Affaire, whether regularly commissioned or acting as 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 203 

such without commission, can hold official intercourse only with the Depart- 
ment of State. He has no right even to converse with the President on matters 
of busmess, and may consider it as a liberal courtesy that he is presented to 
him at all. I take it for granted that if you should imagine the Austrian Min- 
ister for Foreign Affairs had offended you, you would lay claim to the right to ap- 
peal to the Emperor. Although usually we are not rigid in these matters, yet 
a marked disregard of ordinary forms implies disrespect to the goverment 
itself. I shall not, of course, notice the specific subject of complaint of Chevalier 
Hulsemann. Whatever is personal to him must be allowed to pass without 
observation. You are at liberty to read this dispatch to the Austrian Minister 
for ForeignA ffairs. I am. Sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

To C. H. McCuRDY, etc., Vienna. Daniel Webster. 

Chevalier Hulsemann was immortalized by Mr. Webster's 
great paper addressed to him defining the attitude of the 
United States toward all other nations on questions of 
popular freedom and personal liberty. The case in hand 
was that of Austria and Hungary, but the principles abide 
and have not only permanent interest and authority, but 
application to all nations. This is the higher law of our 
foreign relations. 

The Secretary of State to Mr. Hulsemann. 

Department of State, Washington, Dec. 21, 1850. 

The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, had the honor 
to receive, some time ago, the note of Mr. Hulsemann, Charg6 d' Affaires 
of his Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, of the 30th of September. Causes, 
not arising from any want of personal regard for Mr. Hulsemann, or of proper 
respect for his government, have delayed an answer until the present moment. 
Having submitted Mr. Hulsemann's letter to the President, the undersigned is 
now directed by him to return the following reply. 

The object of Mr. Hulsemann's note are, first, to protest, by order of his 
government, against the steps taken by the late President of the United States 
to ascertain the progress and probable result of the revolutionary movements 
in Hungary; and, secondly, to complain of some expressions in the instruc- 
tions of the late Secretary of State to Mr. A. Dudley Mann, a confidential 
agent of the United States, as communicated by President Taylor to the Senate 
on the 28th of March last. 

The principal ground of protest is founded on the idea, or in the allegation, 
that the government of the United States, by the mission of Mr. Mann and his 
instructions, has interfered in the domest c affairs of Austria in a manner 
unjust or disrespectful toward that power. The President's message was a 



204 ^^^ RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

conimunicalion made by him to the Senate, transmitting a correspondence 
between the executive government and a confidential agent of its own. This 
would seem to be itself a domestic transaction, a mere instance of intercourse 
between the President and the Senate, in the manner which is usual and indis- 
pensable in communications between the different branches of the government. 
It was not addressed either to Austria or Hungary; nor was it a public mani- 
festo, to which any foreign state was called on to reply. It was an account of 
its transactions communicated by the executive government to the Senate, at 
tlie request of that body; made public, indeed, but made public only because 
such is the common and usual course of proceeding. It may be regarded as 
somewhat strange, therefore, that the Austrian Cabinet did not perceive that, 
by the instructions given to Mr. Hulsemann, it was itself interfering with the 
domestic concerns of a foreign state, the very thing which is the ground of its 
complaint against the United States. 

This department has, on former occasions, informed the ministers of foreign 
powers, that a communication from the President to either house of Congress 
is regarded as a domestic communication, of which, ordinarily, no foreign state 
has cognizance ; and in more recent instances, the great inconvenience of 
making such communications the subject of diplomatic correspondence and 
discussion has been fully shown. If it had been the pleasure of his Majesty, 
the Emperor of Austria, during the struggles in Hungary, to have admonished 
the provisional government or the people of that country against involving 
themselves in disaster, by following the evil and dangerous example of the 
United States of America in making efforts for the establishment of independent 
governments, such an admonition from that sovereign to his Hungarian subjects 
would not have originated here a diplomatic correspondence. The President 
might, perhaps, on this ground, have declined to direct any particular reply to 
Mr. Hulsemann's note; but, out of proper respect for the Austrian govern- 
ment, it has been thought better to answer that note at length ; and the more 
especially, as the occasion is not unfavorable for the expression of the general 
sentiments of the government of the United Slates upon the topics which that 
note discusses. 

A leading subject in Mr. Hulsemann's note is that of the correspondence 
between Mr. Hulsemann and the predecessor of the undersigned, in which Mr. 
Clayton, by direction of the President, informed Mr. Hulsemann " that Mr. 
Mann's mission had no other object in view than to obtain reliable information 
as to the true state of affairs in Hungary, by personal observation." Mr. 
Hulsemann remarks, that "this explanation can hardly be admitted, for it says 
very little as to the cause of the anxiety which was felt to ascertain the chances 
of the revolutionists." As this, however, is the only purpose which can, with 
any appearance of truth, be attributed to the agency ; as nothing whatever is 
alleged by Mr. Hulsemann to have been either done or said by the agent incon- 
sistent with such an object, the undersigned conceives that Mr. Clayton's 
explanation ought to be deemed, not only admissible, but quite satisfactory. 

Mr. Hulsemann states, in the course of his note, that his instructions to 
address his present communication to Mr. Clayton reached Washington about 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 205 

the time of the lamented death of the late President, and that he delayed from 
a sense of propriety the execution of his task until the new administration 
should be fully organized ; " a delay which he now rejoices at, as it has given 
him the opportunity of ascertaining from the new President himself, on the 
occasion of the reception of the diplomatic corps, that the fundamental policy 
of the United States, so frequently proclaimed, would guide the relations of the 
American government with other powers." Mr. Hulsemann also observes that 
it is in his power to assure the undersigned "that the Imperial government is 
disposed to cultivate relations of friendship and good understanding with the 
United States." 

The President receives this assurance of the disposition of the Imperial gov- 
ernment with great satisfaction ; and, in consideration of the friendly relations 
of the two governments thus mutually recognized, and of the peculiar nature 
of the incidents by which their good understanding is supposed by Mr. Hulse- 
mann to have been for a moment disturbed or endangered, the President 
regrets that Mr. Hulsemann did not feel himself at liberty wholly to forbear 
from the execution of instructions, which were of course transmitted from 
Vienna without any foresight of the state of things under which they would 
reach Washington. If Mr. Hulsemann saw, in the address of the President to 
the diplomatic corps, satisfactory pledges of the sentiments and policy of this 
government in regard to neutral rights and neutral duties, it might, perhaps 
have been better not to bring on a discussion of past transactions. But the 
undersigned readily admits that this was a question fit only for the consideration 
and decision of Mr. Hulsemann himself; and although the President does not 
see that any good purpose can be answered by reopening the inquiry into the 
propriety of the steps taken by President Taylor to ascertain the probable issue 
of the late civil war in Hungary, justice to his memory requires the undersigned 
briefly to restate the history of those steps, and to show their consistency with 
the neutral policy which has invariably guided the government of the United 
States in its foreign relations, as well as with the established and well-settled 
principles of national intercourse, and the doctrines of public law. 

The undersigned will first observe, that the President is persuaded, his 
Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, does not think that the government of the 
United States ought to view with unconcern the extraordinary events which 
have occurred, not only in his dominions, but in many other parts of Europe, 
since February, 1848. The government and people of the United States, like 
other intelligent governments and communities, take a lively interest in the 
movements and events of this remarkable age, in whatever part of the world 
they may be exhibited. But the interest taken by the United States in those 
events has not proceeded from any disposition to depart from that neutrality 
toward foreign powers, which is among the deepest principles and the most 
cherished traditions of the political history of the Union. It has been the neces- 
sary effect of the unexampled character of the events themselves, which could 
not fail to arrest the attention of the contemporary world, as they will doubtless 
fill a memorable page in history. 

But the undersigned goes further, and freely admits that, in proportion as 



2o6 OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

these extraordinary events appeared to have their origin in those great ideas of 
responsible and popular government, on which the American constitutions 
themselves are wholly founded, they could not but command the warm sympathy 
of the people of this country. Well-known circumstances in their history, 
indeed their whole history, have made them the representatives of purely 
popular principles of government. In this light they now stand before the 
world. They could not, if they would, conceal their character, their condition, 
or their destiny. They could not, if they so desired, shut out from the view of 
mankind the causes which have placed them, in so short a national career, in 
the station which they now hold among the civilized states of the world. They 
could not, if they desired it, suppress the thoughts or the hopes which arise 
in men's minds, in other countries, from contemplating their successful example 
of free government. That very intelligent and distinguished personage, the 
Emperor Joseph the Second, was among the first to discern this necessary con- 
sequence of the American Revolution on the sentiments and opinions of the 
people of Europe. In a letter to his minister in the Neitherlands in 1787, he 
observes, that " it is remarkable that France, by the assistance which she 
afforded to the Americans, gave birth to reflections on freedom." This fact, 
which the sagacity of that monarch perceived at so early a day, is now known 
and admitted by intelligent powers all over the world. True, indeed, it is, that 
the prevalence on the other continent of sentiments favorable to republican 
liberty is the result of the reaction of America upon Europe ; and the source 
and center of this reaction has doubtless been, and now is, in these United States. 
The position thus belonging to the United States is a fact as inseparable from 
their history, their constitutional organization, and their character, as the oppo- 
site position of the powers composing the European alliance is from the history 
and constitutional organization of the government of those powers. The 
sovereigns who form that alliance have not infrequently felt it their right to 
interfere with the political movements of foreign states ; and have, in their 
manifestoes and declarations, denounced the popular idea of the age in terms 
so comprehensive as of necessity to include the United States, and their forms 
of government. It is well known that one of the leading principles announced 
by the allied sovereigns, after the restoration of the Bourbons, is, that all 
popular or constitutional rights are holden not otherwise than as grants and indul- 
gences from crowned heads. ' ' Useful and necessary changes in legislation and 
administration," says the Laybach Circular of May, 1821, "ought only to 
emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction of those whom God has 
rendered responsible for power; all that deviates from this line necessarily 
leads to disorder, commotions, and evils far more insufferable than those which 
they pretend to remedy." And his late Austrian Majesty, Francis the First, is 
reported to have declared, in an address to the Hungarian Diet, in 1820, that 
"the whole world had become foolish, and, leaving their ancient laws, were in 
search of imaginary constitutions." These declarations amount to nothing less 
than a denial of the lawfulness of the origin of the government of the United 
States, since it is certain that that government was established in consequence 
of a change which did not proceed from thrones, or the permission of crowned 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 207 

heads. But tlie government of the United States heard these denunciations of 
its fundamental principles without remonstrance, or the disturbance of its 
equanimity. This was thirty years ago. 

The power of this republic, at the present moment, is spread over a region, 
one of the richest and most fertile on the globe, and of an extent in comparison 
with which the possessions of the house of Hapsburg are but as a patch on the 
earth's surface. Its population, already twenty- five millions, will exceed that of 
the Austrian empire within the period during which it may be hoped Mr. Hulse- 
mann may yet remain in the honorable discharge of his duties to his govern- 
ment. Its navigation and commerce are hardly exceeded by the oldest and 
most commercial nations ; its maritime means and its maritime power may be 
seen l)y Austria herself, in all seas where she has ports, as well as they may be 
seen, also, in all other quarters of the globe. Life, liberty, property, and all 
personal rights, are amply secured to all citizens, and protected by just and 
stable laws ; and credit, public and private, is as well established as in any 
government of Continental Europe ; and the country, in all its interests and 
concerns, partakes most largely in all the improvements and progress which 
distinguish the age. Certainly, the United States may be pardoned, even by 
those who profess adherence to the principles of absolute government, if they 
entertain an ardent affection for those popular forms of jiolitical organization 
which have so rapidly advanced their own prosperity and happiness, and 
enabled them, in so short a period, to bring their country, and hemisphere to 
which it belongs, to the notice and respectful regard, not to say the admiration, 
of the civilized world. Nevertheless, the United States have abstained, at al] 
times, from acts of interference with the political changes of Europe. They 
cannot, however, fail to cherish always a lively interest in the fortunes 01 
nations struggling for institutions like their own. But this sympathy, so far 
from being necessarily a hostile feeling toward any of the parties to these 
national struggles, is quite consistent with amicable relations with them all. 
The Hungarian people are three or four times as numerous as the inhabitants 
of these United States were when tlie American Revolution broke out. They 
possess, in a distinct language, and in other respects, important elements of a 
separate nationality; which the Anglo Saxon race in this country did not 
possess ; and if the United States wish success to countries contending for 
popular constitutions and national independence, it is only because they regard 
such constitutions and such national independence, not as imaginary, but as real 
blessings. They claim no right, however, to take part in tlie struggles of foreign 
powers in order to promote these ends. It is only in defense of his own 
government, its principles and character, that the undersigned has now 
expressed himself on this subject. But when the people of the United States 
behold the people of foreign countries, without any such interference, spontane- 
ously moving toward the adoption of institutions like their own, it surely cannot 
be expected of tliem to remain wholly indifferent spectators. 

In regard to the recent very important occurrences in the Austrian empire, 
the undersigned freely admits the difiiculty which exists in this country, and is 
alluded to by Mr. Hulsemann, of obtaining accurate information. But this dif- 



2o8 OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

ficulty is by no means to be ascribed to what Mr. Hulsemann calls, with little 
justice, as it seems to the undersigned, "the mendacious rumors propagated by 
tlie American press." For information on this subject, and others of the same 
kind, the American press is, of necessity, almost wholly dependent upon that 
of Europe ; and if " mendacious rumors " respecting Austrian and Hungarian 
affairs have been anywhere propagated, that propagation of falsehoods has 
been most prolific on the European continent, and in countries immediately 
bordering on the Austrian empire. But, wherever these errors may have origi- 
nated, they certainly justified the late President in seeking true information 
through authentic channels. 

His attention was first particularly drawn to the state of things in Hungary 
by the correspondence of Mr. Stiles, Charg6 d' Affaires of the United States at 
Vienna. In the autumn of 1848 an application was made to this gentleman, on 
behalf of Mr. Kossuth, formerly Minister of Finance for the Kingdom of Hun- 
gary by Imperial appointment, but, at tlie time the application was made, chief 
of the revolutionary government. The object of this application was to obtain 
the good ofiices of Mr Stiles with the Imperial government, with a view to the 
suspension of hostilities. This application became the subject of a conference 
between Prince Schwarzenberg, the Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs, and 
Mr. Stiles. The prince commended the considerateness and propriety with 
which Mr. Stiles had acted ; and, so far from disapproving his interference, 
advised him in case he received a further communication from the revolution- 
ary government in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince VVindischgratz, 
who was charged by the Emperor with the proceedings determined on in rela- 
tion to that kingdom. A week after these occurrences, Mr. Stiles received, 
through a secret channel, a communication signed by L. Kossuth, President of 
the Committee of Defence, and countersigned by Francis Puslzky, Secretary of 
State. On the receipt of this communication, Mr. Stiles had an interview with 
Prince Windischgratz, " wlio received him with the utmost kindness, and 
thanked him for his efforts towards reconciling the existing difficulties." Such 
were the incidents which first drew the attention of the government of the 
United States particularly to the affairs of Hungary, and the conduct of Mr. 
.Stiles, though acting without instructions in a matter of much delicacy, having 
been viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial government, was approved by 
that of the United States. 

In the course of the year 1848, and in the early part of 1849, ^ considerable 
number of Hungarians came to the United States. Among them were nidivid- 
uals representing themselves to be in the confidence of the revolutionary gov- 
ernment, and by these persons the President was strongly urged to recognize 
the existence of that government. In these applications, and in the manner in 
which they were viewed by the President, there was nothing unusual ; still less 
was there anything unauthorized by the law of nations. It is the right of every 
independent state to enter into friendly relations with every other independent 
state. Of course, questions of prudence naturally arise in reference to new 
states, brought by successful revolutions into the family of nations ; but it is not 
to be required of neutral powers that they should await the recognition of the 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 209 

new government by the parent state. No principle of public law has been more 
frequently acted upon, within the last thirty years, by the great powers of the 
world, than this. Within that period, eight or ten new states have established 
independent governments, within the limits of the colonial dominions of Spain, 
on this continent ; and in Europe the same thing has been done by Belgium and 
Greece. The existence of all these governments was recognized by some of the 
leading powers of Europe, as well as by the United States, before it was 
acknowledged by the states from which they had separated themselves. If, 
therefore, the United States had gone so far as formally to acknowledge the 
independence of Hungary, although, as the rtsult has proved, it would have 
been a precipitate step, and one from which no benefit would have resulted to 
either party ; it would not, nevertheless, have been an act against the law of 
nations, provided they took no part in her contest with Austria. But the United 
States did no such thing. Not only did they not yield to Hungary any actual 
countenance or succor, not only did they not show their ships of war in the 
Adriatic with any menacing or hostile aspect, but they studiously abstained 
from every thing which had not been done in other cases in times past, and 
contented themselves with instituting an inquiry into the truth and reality of 
alleged political occurrences. Mr. Hulsemann incorrectly states, unintention- 
ally certainly, the nature of the mission of this agent, when he says that " a 
United States agent had been despatched to Vienna with orders to watch for a 
favorable moment to recognize the Hungarian republic, and to conclude a 
treaty of commerce with the same." This, indeed, would have been a lawful 
object, but Mr. Mann's errand was, in the first instance, purely one of inquiry. 
He had no power to act, unless he had at first come to the conviction that a 
firm and stable Hungarian government existed. "The principal object the 
President has in view," according to his instructions, " is to obtain minute and 
reliable information in regard to Hungary, in connection with the affairs of 
adjoining countries, the probable issue of the present revolutionary movements, 
and the chances we may have of forming commercial arrangements with that 
power favorable to the United States." Again, in the same ppp^r, it is said: 
"The object of the President is to obtain information in regard to Hungary, 
and her resources and prospects, with a view to an early recognition of her 
independence and the formation of commercial relations with her." It was 
only in the event that the new government should appear, in the opinion of the 
agent, to be firm and stable, that the President proposed to recommend its 
recognition. 

Mr. Hulsemann, in qualifying these steps of President Taylor with the epithet 
of "hostile," seems to take for granted that the inquiry could, in the expecta- 
tion of the President, have but one result, and that favorable to Hungary. If 
this were so, it would not change the case. But the American government 
sought for nothing but truth ; it desired to learn the facts through a reliable 
chaimel. It so happened, in the chances and vicissitudes of human affairs, that 
the result wa>=-. adverse to the Hungarian revolution. The American agent, as 
was stated in his instructions to be not unlikely, found the condition of Hun- 
garian affairs less prosperous than it had been, or had been believed to be. He 



2IO 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 



did not enter Hungary, nor hold any direct communication with her revolution- 
ary leaders. He reported against the recognition of her independence, because 
he found she had been unable to set up a firm and stable government. He 
carefully forebore, as his instructions required, to give publicity to his mission, 
and the undersigned supposes that the Austrian government first learned its 
existence from the communications of the President to the Senate. 

Mr. Hulsemann will observe from this statement, that Mr. Mann's mission 
was wholly unobjectionable, and strictly within the rule of the law of nations 
and the duty of the United States as a neutral power. He will accordingly feel 
how little foundation there is for his remark, that "those who did not hesitate 
to assume the responsibility of sending Mr. Dudley Mann on such an errand, 
should, independent of considerations of propriety, have borne in mind that 
they were exposing their emissary to be treated as a spy." A spy is a person 
sent by one belligerent to gain information of the forces and defences of the 
other, to be used for hostile purposes. According to practice, he may use 
deception, under the penalty of being lawfully hanged if detected. To give 
this odious name and character to a confidential agent of a neutral power, bear- 
ing the commission of his country, and sent for a purpose fully warranted by 
the law of nations, is not only to abuse language, but also to confound all just 
ideas, and to announce the wildest and most extravagant notions, such as cer- 
tainly were not to have been expected in a grave diplomatic paper ; and the 
President directs the undersigned to say to Mr. Hulsemann, that the American 
government would regard such an imputation upon it by the Cabinet of Austria 
as that it employs spies, and that in a quarrel none of its own, as distinctly 
offensive, if it did not presume, as it is willing to presume, that the word used 
in the original German was not of equivalent meaning with " spy " in the Eng- 
glish language, or that in some other way the employment of such an opprobri- 
ous term may be explained. Had the Imperial government of Austria subjected 
Mr. Mann to the treatment of a spy, it v.-ould have placed itself without the pale 
of civilized nations ; and the Cabinet of Vienna may be assured, that if it had 
carried, or attempted to carry, any such lawless purpose into effect, in the case 
of an authorized agent of this government, the spirit of the people of this 
country would have demanded immediate hostilities to be waged by the utmost 
power of the republic, military and naval. 

Mr. Hulsemann proceeds to remarks that " this extremely painful incident, 
therefore, might have been passed over, without any written evidence being left 
on our part in the archives of the United States, had not General Taylor 
thought proper to revive the whole subject by communicating to the Senate, in 
his message of the i8th (28th) of last March, tlie instructions with which Mr. 
Mann had been furnished on the occasion of his mission to Vienna. The 
publicity which has been given to that document has placed the Imperial 
government under the necessity of entering a formal protest, through its official 
representative, against the proceedings of the American government, lest that 
government should construe our silence into approbation, or toleration even, of 
the principles which appear to have guided its action and the means it has 
adopted." The undersigned re-asserts to Mr. Hulsemann, and to the Cabinet 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 21 1 

of Vienna, and in the presence of the world, that the steps taken by President 
Taylor, now protested against by the Austrian government, were warranted by 
the law of nations and agreeable to the usages of civilized states. With 
respect to tlie communication of Mr. Mann's instructions to the Senate, and the 
language in which they are couched, it has already been said, and Mr. Hulse- 
mann must feel the justice of the remark, that these are domestic affairs, in 
reference to which the government of the United States cannot admit the 
sliglitest responsibility to the government of his Imperial majesty. No state, 
deserving the appellation of independent, can permit the language in which it 
may instruct its own officers in the discharge of their duties to itself to be called 
in question under any pretext by a foreign power. 

But even if this were not so, Mr. Hulsemann is in an error in stating that the 
Austrian government is called an "iron rule" in Mr. ]\Iann's instructions. 
That phrase is not found in the paper; and in respect to the honorary epithet 
bestowed in ]\Ir. Mann's instructions on the late chief of the revolutionary 
government of Hungary, Mr. Hulsemann will bear in mind that the govern- 
ment of the United States cannot justly be expected, in a confidential commu- 
nication to its own agent, to withhold from an individual an epithet of distinction 
of which a great part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on the ground 
that his own government regards him as a rebel. At an early stage of the 
American Revolution, while Washington was considered by tlie English govern- 
ment as a rebel chief, he was regarded on the continent of Europe as an 
illustrious hero. But the undersigned will take the liberty of bringing the 
Cabinet of Vienna into the presence of its own predecessors, and of citing for 
its consideration the conduct of the Imperial government itself. In the year 
1777 the war of tlie American Revolution was raging all over these United 
States. England was prosecuting that war with a most resolute determination, 
and by the exertion of all her military means to tlie fullest extent. Germany 
was at that time at peace with England ; and yet an agent of that Congress, 
which was looked upon by England in no other light than that of a body in 
open rebellion, was not only received with great respect by the ambassador of 
the Empress Queen at Paris, and by the minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany 
(who afterwards mounted the imperial throne), but resided in Vienna for a 
considerable time; not, indeed, officially acknowledged, but treated with 
courtesy and respect ; and the Emperor suffered himself to be persuaded by 
that agent to exert himself to prevent the German powers from furnishing 
troops to England to enable her to suppress the rebellion in America. Neither 
Mr. Hulsemann nor the Cabinet of Vienna, it is presumed, will undertake to say 
tiiat anything that was said or done by this government in regard to the recent 
war between Austria and Hungary is not borne out, and much more than borne 
out, by this example of the Imperial Court. It is believed that Emperor Joseph the 
Second habitually spoke in terms of respect and admiration of the character of 
Washington, as he is known to have done of that of Franklin ; and he deemed 
it no infraction of neutrality to inform himself of the progress of the revolu- 
tionary struggle in America, or to express his deep sense of the merits and the 
talents of those illustrious men who were then leading their country to inde- 



212 OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 

pendence and renown. The undersigned may add that in 1781 the courts of 
Russia and Austria proposed a diplomatic congress of the belligerent powers, 
to which the commissioners of the United States should be admitted. 

Mr. Hulsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann's instructions improper expressions 
are introduced in regard to Russia ; but the undersigned has no reason to 
suppose that Russia herself is of that opinion. The only obervation made in 
those instructions about Russia is, that she " has chosen to assume an attitude 
of interference, and her immense preparations for invading and reducing the 
Hungarians to the rule of Austria, from which they desire to be released, gave 
so serious a character to the contest as to awaken the most painful solicitude in 
the minds of Americans." The undersigned cannot but consider the Austrian 
Cabinet as unnecessarily susceptible in looking upon language like this as a 
"hostile demonstration." If we remember that it was addressed by the 
government to its own agent, and has received publicity only through a com- 
munication of one department of the American government to another, the 
language quoted must be deemed moderate and inoffensive. The comity of 
nations would hardly forbid its being addressed to the two imperial powers 
themselves. It is scarcely necessary for the undersigned to say, that the 
relations of the United States with Russia have always been of the most friendly 
kind, and have never been deemed by either party to require any compromise 
of their peculiar views upon subjects of domestic or foreign polity, or the true 
origin of governments. At any rate, the fact that Austria, in her contest with 
Hungary, had an intimate and faithful ally in Russia, cannot alter the real 
nature of the question between Austria and Hungary, nor in any way affect the 
neutral rights and duties of the government of the United States, or the justi- 
fiable sympathies of the American people. It is, indeed, easy to conceive, that 
favor toward struggling Hungary would not be diminished, but increased, 
when it was seen that the arm of Austria was strengthened and upheld by a 
power whose assistance threatened to be, and which in the end proved to be, 
overwhelmingly destructive of all her hopes. 

Toward the conclusion of his notes Mr. Hulsemann remarks, that "if the 
government of the United States were to think it proper to take an indirect part 
in the political movements of Europe, American policy would be exposed to 
acts of retaliation, and to certain inconveniences which would not fail to affect 
the commerce and industry of the two hemispheres." As to this possible 
fortune, this hypothetical retaliation, the governmetit and people of the United 
States are quite willing to take their chances and abide their destiny. Taking 
neither a direct nor an indirect part in the domestic or intestine movements of 
Europe, they have no fear of events of the nature alluded to by Mr. Hulsemann. 
It would be idle now to discuss with Mr. Hulsemann those acts of retaliation 
which he imagines may possibly take place at some indefinite time hereafter. 
Those questions will be discussed when they arise ; and Mr. Hulsemann and 
the Cabinet at Vienna may rest assured, that, in the mean time, while perform- 
ing with strict and exact fidelity all their neutral duties, nothing will deter either 
the government or the people of the United States from exercising, at their own 
discretion, the rights belonging to them as an independent nation, and of forming 



OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER NATIONS. 



213 



and expressing their own opinions, freely, and at all times, npon the great 
political events which may transpire among the civilized nations of the earth. 
Their own institutions stand upon the broadest principles of civil liberty ; and 
believing those principles and the fundamental laws in which they are embodied 
to be eminently favorable to the prosperity of states, to be, in fact, the only 
principles of government which meet the demands of the present enlightened 
age, the President has perceived, with great satisfaction, that, in the constitution 
recently introduced into the Austrian empire, many of these great principles 
are recognized and applied, and he cherishes a sincere wish that they may 
produce the same happy eflfects throughout his Austrian Majesty's extensive 
dominions that they have done in the United States. 

The undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr. Hulsemann the assurance of 
his high consideration. 

Daniel Webster. 

The Chevalier J. G. Hulsemann, 

Charge d' Affaires of Austria, Washington. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Mexico's wars of independence. 

The Imperial Tragedies in Mexican History — The Philosophy of Rebelhon 
against Spain, and the Dominant Nature of Spaniards and Hatred of 
Native Americans — The Interference of Napoleon in Spain, and the 
Conflict of Jurisdiction of Juntas, and How the Republic of Mexico 
Emerged from Chaos. 

There is In Nile's " History of Mexico," a passage regard- 
ing the final expulsion of the Spanish flag from Mexico, that 
is remarkable. It follows the account of the execution of 
Iturbide, and finds a striking parallel in a recent situation. 

Mexico, as well as the other independent States, at one 
period felt some apprehension that the allied powers in 
Europe, which interfered in the internal concerns of Spain, 
would extend their kind offices to her possessions on this 
side of the Atlantic ; but the disposition manifested by 
Great Britain has removed such apprehensions, as her min- 
isters have declared that England would not agree to any 
cession Spain might make of the States which were de facto 
released from her dominion. 

The tragedy of Iturbide is told in the terms following ; 
A conspiracy in the Mexican capital was discovered, and 
twenty persons implicated were arrested, among whom 
were several general officers, a number of colonels, and 
some citizens of distinction. The papers of the conspira- 
tors were headed, " God, Independence and the Hero of 
Iguala ; " it is said that a woman acted as secretary. The 
criminals were brought to trial before a council of war and 

two of them sentenced to death, and the rest to perpetual 
214 



MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 215 

banishment. After this premature explosion of the con- 
spiracy, the infatuated Iturbide landed at Soto la Marina in 
disguise, on the 14th of July, 1824. He came in an Eng- 
lish brig with Charles de Beneski, a foreigner, who pre- 
tended that his object was to treat with the Mexican gov- 
ernment concerning a plan of colonization, and that he had 
powers for that purpose from three Irish capitalists of Lon- 
don, Beneski presented himself to General Garza, military 
commandant, who inquired concerning Iturbide, and was 
informed by Beneski, that he left him at London, residing 
quiedy with his family. Iturbide, being disguised, passed 
himself as the companion of Beneski, who was permitted 
to go into the country, and thus attempted to advance into 
the interior. On the i6th. General Garza was informed by 
an officer who commanded a detachment of troops, that he 
had seen Beneski, with another person in disguise, proceed- 
ing into the interior, which excited his suspicion. General 
Garza at once went in pursuit with some troops and over- 
taking them at Arrogas, he immediately recognized in 
the disguised person, Don Augustin Iturbide, arrested him 
and conveyed him under a strong guard to Soto la Marina. 
General Garza communicated the arrest of Iturbide to the 
provincial congress of the State of Tamaulipas, then in ses- 
sion at Padilla, which resolved that the decree of the gen- 
eral congress of the 28th of April, 1824, be carried into 
immediate effect, and ordered the minister of state to cause 
Iturbide to be executed without delay. Accordingly, he 
was shot in the town of Padilla. Thus terminated the 
career of Don Augustin Iturbide, the first, and it is hoped, 
the last usurper of sovereign power in America. This 
event relieved the republic of one source of apprehen- 
sion, and one cause of the vacillation of public opinion ; by 
annihilating forever the hopes and designs of the partisans 



2i6 MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 

of a military usurper. It tended to concentrate public 
opinion in favor of the political system which had been 
adopted, and to give stability and energy to the government. 

Since this period public tranquillity has not been dis- 
turbed in Mexico by civil commotions; the government 
has been administered with success, and has enjoyed the 
increasing confidence of all classes of the population. 

The Spaniards still retained possession of the strong 
fortress of St. Juan de Uloa, which, commanding the en- 
trance into the port of Vera Cruz, greatly deranged the 
Mexican commerce, by exactions from all vessels entering 
the harbor. This was the more vexatious, in consequence 
of there being no seaport to which the trade of Vera Cruz 
could be transferred. The annoyance which the castle oc- 
casioned to the commerce of the country, united with the 
desire to reduce the last stronghold of Spanish power in 
Mexico, rendered the government and the nation anxious 
to accelerate an event which It was evident could not long 
be delayed. The superiority of the Mexican navy to that 
of the Spanish prevented the governor of the castle, Cop- 
pinger, from receiving any reinforcements, or even supplies 
from abroad, whilst the garrison continually wasted away 
by disease and hardships, till they at last became reduced 
to a handful of men. Still the governor obstinately re- 
fused to capitulate. At length, however, the time arrived 
when he could hold out no longer, and accordingly, on the 
1 8th of November, 1821, the castle surrendered, to the 
great joy of all Vera Cruz and Mexico. The garrison, 
(except the sick who were conveyed to Vera Cruz) were, 
with the governor, sent to Havana. 

Mexico has probably received less aid from foreigners 
than most of the other new republics ; some enterprises 
have been undertaken from the United States against the 



MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 



219 



Texas country, but these have had no influence on the 
great contest, and some individuals from the United States 
and the British isles have engaged in the Mexican service ; 
but she has had no foreign succor of any importance ; the 
Mexican patriots have maintained the long and sanguinary 
struggle alone, without allies and without assistance, and 
by their own valor and perseverance, have overcome both 
foreign and domestic tyranny. 

The patriots of Mexico, as well as those of other parts of 
America, formerly Spanish, made an early attempt to se- 
cure the countenance, if not the assistance, of the United 
States, In 181 1, Don B. Gutierrez was sent by the patriots 
of Mexico as their aeent or commissioner to Washincjton, 
where he continued until nearly the close of the following 
year, at which time he joined Toledo in an expedition 
against the eastern internal provinces. In 1816 the Mexi- 
can Congress sent Don Herrera to the United States. 
But these missions were productive of no other advantage 
than the promotion, in the breasts of our citizens of feelings 
of friendship and sympathy for a people who were strug- 
gling for the same rights, the attainment of which a few 
years since had cost the United States so much blood and 
treasure. Yet for our government to have assisted the 
Spanish colonies would have been violating the fundamental 
principles of the Constitution, and the genius of our foreign 
policy. Hence it was that Congress, in 181 7, passed an 
act for the more effectually preserving the neutrality of the 
United States, which authorized the President to prevent 
the sale of vessels of war by the citizens of the United 
States to the subjects of any foreign power, and prohibited 
the exportation of arms or ammunition, except bonds were 
given as security against their being conveyed to either of 
the belligerent parties. In pursuance of this policy, an 
13 



220 MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. . 

expedition, which was preparing at New Orleans in 1815, 
and destined against the north-eastern provinces of Mexico, 
was stopped by a proclamation of the President. 

Near the close of the year 1818, the President appointed 
commissioners to visit some of the South American States, 
which claimed to be independent, and in 1822 Congress 
formally acknowledged the independence of Mexico and 
the other republics of the South. 

The tribute to Mexico for her self-sustaining power in 
winning her freedom and capacity for retaining it, is as 
well put, as deserved. The country was greatly im- 
poverished. 

The Mexican patriots received little or no assistance 
from abroad, except in funds, and not that until the contest 
was decided. The war had destroyed the machinery, and 
stopped the operation of the mines, destroyed the govern- 
ment magazines of tobacco, and essentially impaired every 
branch of revenue, whilst at the same time it had aug- 
mented in a greater ratio the expenses of the government. 
Whilst the colonial authority existed, the patriots secured 
the public property for their own use, and destroyed what 
they could not thus appropriate ; both parties had recourse 
to forced loans. These causes, together with the devasta- 
tion of a civil war, and the suspension of industry, had so 
impoverished the country that the revenue was almost 
entirely annihilated, and the government which succeeded 
the overthrow of Iturbide was placed under the most dis- 
tressing embarrassments. 

The end of imperial illusions about Mexico did not 
terminate with the execution of Iturbide. The tragedy 
of Maximilian was one of the dramas in real life that 
surpass historic and romantic invention. This would never 
have occurred if the United States had not been absorbed 



MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 221 

in her war of states and sections. The Emperor Napoleon 
III. thought the time had come to re-estabhsh imperiaHsm 
in North America. 

There were thousands of instances of heroism in the 
contest of Mexico for her freedom and independence. The 
confusion of authority both in Spain and Mexico can only 
be accounted for by the disorganization of Spain following 
the conquests and usurpations of Napoleon I. and the 
rival juntas that disputed possession with each other, and 
Joseph Bonaparte made by his masterful brother King- of 
Spain. 

The Maximilian episode by Napoleon III. and his effort 
to influence the choice of a king in Spain, during the in- 
trigues that saw the elevation of an Italian prince to that 
dignity, and France, crushed by Germany in a quarrel 
beginning in French resentment at the proposal of a Ger- 
man prince as a candidate, are reminders of the first 
Napoleon's Spanish mistakes. The American colonies of 
Spain were not disposed to take advantage of the humilia- 
tion of the mother country by France, to become independ- 
ent, for they hated the French for the deeds of Napoleon, 
but the Spanish juntas had all the vices of the deposed 
monarchy they were supposed to represent, and made war 
with vindictiveness upon the colonial people whose juntas 
were sensitive as to their authority, but many of them ani- 
mated by a sentiment of loyalty to the dynasty superseded 
by French force of arms. Niles, the historian, says : 

" A general revolt of the inhabitants against the authority 
of the Bonapartes occurred in the peninsula. Intelligence 
of this reached Mexico on the 29th of July, 1808. It im- 
mediately raised the feelings of the people into the highest 
enthusiasm. In Spain, juntas were established in the dif- 
ferent provinces, for their government and security. The 



222 MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 

junta at Seville styled itself the supreme junta of Spain 
and the Indies; several other of the provincial juntas claimed 
the like superiority, which led to dissensions in the penin- 
sula, and distracted the Americans, so that they knew not 
which to acknowledge, as entitled to their allegiance. 
Before the enthusiam had subsided in Mexico, the deputies 
sent by the junta of Seville arrived in America, to demand 
the sovereignty of the country, and to induce the colonies 
to yield obedience to the junta, the deputies represented 
that its authority was submitted to, throughout the whole 
of Spain. 

" Such was the hostility of the people against the French, 
and their loyalty and zeal toward their sovereign, that they 
seemed ready to acknowledge the authority of any tribunal 
in Spain, although self-created, which claimed their alle- 
giance in the name of their king." 

But there were other juntas and a regency, and the greater 
the conflict of jurisdiction the wilder the passions excited. 
There was a muddle of masters. One document throws a 
great deal of light upon the conditions in Mexico, The 
municipality of Mexico, on the 5th of August, 1808, pre- 
sented a memorial to Iturrigaray, the viceroy, for assem- 
bling of a junta, from which we make an extract: 

"Juntas of the government, and respectable bodies of 
the cities and kingdoms, are no more than in exact con- 
formity to the law, which ordains that all arduous cases 
shall be considered of, in general assemblies. As in exist- 
ing circumstances, in consequence of the seizure of the 
king, the sovereignty is vested in the nation, in order that 
its interests may be consulted, .the united authorities, 
together with the municipalities, which are the heads of the 
people, do exactly the same as would the monarch himself 
for the general welfare. 



MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 



223 



" Mexico has in view the same principles that influenced 
Seville, Valencia, and the other cities of Spain, and she is 
empowered, in like manner as the above two faithful capi- 
tals, to do what she conceives is advisable in such urgent 
circumstances. 

" These examples point out what ought to be done — to 
organize a governing junta, composed of the royal audien- 
cia, the archbishop, municipality, and deputies from the tri- 
bunals, ecclesiastical and secular bodies, the nobility, and 
principal citizens, as well as the military. This junta shall 
deliberate on the most weighty subjects that concern us, 
which shall be determined conformably to our interests. 

" The junta is necessary ; for, although we are at present 
free from the urgent danger which threatened us on the 
side of France, we, nevertheless, ought not to neglect our 
means of defence, till we receive such positive advices, as 
may place us perfectly at ease. It is at the same time 
necessary to satisfy the wishes of the people, by restoring 
to them those means they formerly had of appeal to the 
Council of the Indies, or to the person of the king ; and, 
finally, many amendments ought to be made in the nomina- 
tion to secular and ecclesiastical dicrnides. These are the 

o 

only means, in consequence of the absence of the monarch, 
by which the kingdom, being thus united, may overcome 
all its difficulties. 

"This union of authorities is likewise necessary, as being 
the best means to produce unanimity in the minds of the 
people, and of preventing the fatal consequences which 
must arise throughout the country from disunion. Every 
one will then be happy ; their patriotism and wishes will be 
united by love, enthusiasm, and a sense of the public good. 

" The city, consequendy, thinks that the time has arrived 
for adopdng the same means as have been carried into 



224 MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 

effect in Spain, The junta which your excellency is to form, 
for the present, of the authorities and respectable bodies 
above-mentioned, when the representatives of the kingdom 
are assembled, will carefully examine its interests, etc. 

"But the two fundamental points on which the junta is 
to act, ought not to be forgotten. The first is, that the 
authorities retain the full extent of their power, in the same 
manner as if the derangement we deplore in the monarchy 
had not taken place ; that is, that your excellency shall 
still hold the same power which the laws grant, and that 
the same be observed with respect to the other tribunals. 
The second is, that in order to fill up the immense void 
which exists between the authority of your excellency and 
the sovereign, the proposed junta is to be had recourse to." 

The Viceroy was inclined to submit, but the Spaniards 
conspired against him, bribed the ofificers of the guard, 
captured him in his palace and imprisoned him in a nun- 
nery, setting up a junta of their own, and Niles says : 

"The violent proceedings in Mexico were not only ap- 
proved by the central junta, which received the intelligence 
while in session at Seville, but the junta manifested great 
joy that the Viceroy, who had favored the wishes of the 
Creoles, had been deposed and imprisoned, without consid- 
ering the danger of the example, or the evidence it afforded 
of the feebleness of all sentiments of subordination. These 
high-handed measures of the European faction greatly ex- 
asperated the Creoles against .the Spaniards in Mexico, and 
tended to produce disaffection toward the rulers of Spain. 
The authority of the central junta, although illegal (as the 
laws required that in case of a suspension of the royal 
functions, the government should be vested in a regency), 
was, nevertheless, submitted to by the colonists, and large 
sums of money remitted from America to Spain, which 



MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 225 

enabled the Spaniards to carry on the war against the 
French." 

Of the sanguinary scenes of strife in the evolution of 
Mexico, a few examples will serve for the whole history. 
The Spanish Cortes granted in iSioan amnesty promising 
oblivion of all that took place in the revolution, but the 
Spanish Americans disregarded it totally, and used the 
promise as a trap. The Viceroy had to get the Church to 
endorse his proclamations, and the cabildo ecclesiastico, in 
a pastoral charge addressed to the clergy, on the 1 7th of 
May, 181 2, says: "His excellency the Viceroy, the worthy 
and legitimate representative of our Catholic and most 
Christian king, Ferdinand VII., has had the unparalleled 
goodness, not only to authorize us to be the guarantees 
and trustees of the indulto, or general pardon, granted to 
the insurgents, but also to permit us to grant to you like- 
wise the power, reverend brethren, as by these presents we 
do, to offer, promise, and assure, in the name of the Holy 
Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and in the name of 
the Virgin of Guadaloupe, protectress of this kingdom, and 
in the name of the Christian and Catholic king, Ferdinand 
VII., and of his Viceroy in these kingdoms, that a general 
pardon shall be duly granted to all those who, repenting 
themselves of their past faults, are now willing to lay down 
their arms." Notwithstanding this solemnity, the war con- 
tinued, and the patriots repeatedly defeated the royalists. 
The revolution gaining ground, the patriot Rayon estab- 
lished, August, 18 12, a junta for the government of the 
country, consisting of himself. Doctor Berdusco, and Don 
J. M. Liceaga, which nominally, at least, acknowledged the 
authority of Ferdinand, and published their acts in his 
name. Calleja, the moment he received intelligence of the 
creation of this junta, issued a proclamation from his head- 



226 MEXICO'S WARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 

quarters at Guanaxuato, offering ten thousand dollars for 
each of the heads of the junta, and the Viceroy, gready 
alarmed at this measure of Rayon, regarding it as a har- 
binger of a general rising of the people, ordered Calleja 
to make an immediate attack upon the insurgents at Zita- 
quaro. Calleja, after a hard fight, carried the town, and 
remarked in his official report : " My stay here will be as 
short as possible, and before my departure I will erase 
every vestige of the town from the face of the earth, that I 
may, by this means, punish the criminal instigators of so 
barbarous, impolidc, and destructive an insurrection, and 
give an example of terror to those who might otherwise be 
willing to support it." 

Presendy this champion of order struck another rebel 
town, Quaulta, and March 15, 1812, wrote to a friend: 

"We will precipitate this town and its inhabitants into 
the very centre of hell, whatever exerdons or fatigue it 
may cost us. The enthusiasm of these insurgents is unpar- 
alleled. Morelos, with a prophetic countenance, gives his 
orders, and, whatever they may be, they are always punc- 
tually executed. We continually hear the inhabitants swear 
that they will be buried under the ruins rather than deliver 
up the town. They dance around the bombs as they fall, 
to prove they are fearless of danger." 

The Spaniards' passion to rule for their own purposes 
was unappeasable save by absolute authority, in the name 
of some ruler or governing body beyond the Atlantic, and 
implacable in their relentless resoludon that the natives in 
a colony should not govern it, but be perpetually an inferior 
and subordinate class. It was from this chaos that the 
Republic of Mexico at last emerged, and after many trials 
and vicissitudes, taught in hardship, the true divinity of 
popular sovereignty grew in strength and power. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

Disturbances in Spain Offer South Americans Opportunities for Freedom 
— Loyalty to Spain Requited by Tyranny and Massacre — Feeling 
Against the Bonapartes in Colombia — The Usual Pompous Procbma- 
tions — Spaniards Sent to Fill all Places and the People Robbed — The 
Same Misgovernment that- has Brought Cuba to Woe— How the South 
American Republics were Almost a Confederacy in the Revolutionary 
Period — The Native Americans Opposing the Spaniards — The Same 
Grievances Existed from Paraguay and Chili to Venezuela — The Char- 
acter and Career of Simon Bolivar. 

The Revolution and war in Colombia was more import- 
ant than in any other part of South America, for there 
the war commenced, the struggle was more protracted 
and severe, and here, too, Spain made her greatest exer- 
tions, and the success of the revolution in Colombia, in 
no small degree, has been the means of the ultimate 
triumph of Liberty's cause through the Spanish Ameri- 
can dominions. 

We shall therefore, in noticing the causes of events which 
led to the revolution, have to consider many, whose influence 
was general on all parts of the Spanish dominions in 
America, as well as on those now constituting the Colom- 
bian Republic. 

The first causes of the civil commotions in America are 
to be sought for in the disturbances which occurred in 
Spain. These disturbances, the offspring of the ambitious 
views of Napoleon Bonaparte, although without his inten- 
tion, prepared the way for the revolution in South America, 
and in this view have been productive of important benefits 

227 



228 THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

to the inhabitants of that country, and to the world. His 
proceedings at Bayonne, in compelHng Ferdinand to abdi- 
cate the throne of Spain in favor of Joseph Bonaparte, and 
the evident designs of Napoleon, threw Spain into confusion. 
The loyalty, and spirit of the nation was roused, and the 
people refused to submit to a monarch imposed on them by 
treachery, and supported by foreign bayonets. In the 
provinces not occupied by the French, juntas were estab- 
lished, which assumed the government of their districts ; 
and that at Seville styling itself the supreme junta of Spain 
and the Indies, dispatched deputies to the different govern- 
ments in America, requiring an acknowledgment of its 
authority ; to obtain which, it was represented that the junta 
was acknowledged and obeyed throughout Spain. At the 
same time, the regency created at Madrid by Ferdinand, 
when he left his capital, and the junta at Asturias, each 
claimed superiority, and endeavored to direct the affairs of 
the nation. 

Napoleon, on his part, was not less attentive to America ; 
agents were sent in the name of Joseph, king of Spain, to 
communicate to the colonies the abdication of Ferdinand, 
and his own accession to the vacant throne, and to procure 
the recognition of his authority by the Americans. Thus 
the obedience of the colonies was demanded by no less 
than four tribunals, each claiming to possess supreme 
authority at home. There could scarcely have occurred a 
conjuncture more favorable for the colonists to throw off 
their dependence on Spain, being convulsed as she was by 
a civil war, the king a prisoner, the monarchy subverted, 
and the people unable to agree among themselves where 
the supreme authority was vested, or which of the pretend- 
ers to it were to be obeyed. The power of the parent 
state over its colonies was de facto at an end ; in conse- 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 229 

quence of which, they were, in a measure, required to " pro- 
vide new guards for their security." But so totally unpre- 
pared were the colonists for a political revolution, that 
instead of these events being regarded as auspicious to 
their prosperity, they only served to prove the strength of 
their loyalty and attachment to Spain. Notwithstanding 
that the viceroys and captain-generals, excepting the 
viceroy of New Spain, manifested a readiness to acquiesce 
in the cessions of Bayonne, to yield to the new order of 
things, and to sacrifice their king, provided they could 
retain their places, in which they were confirmed by the new 
kino- the news of the occurrences in Spain filled the people 
with indignation ; they publicly burnt the proclamations 
sent out by King Joseph, expelled his agents, and such was 
their rage, that all Frenchmen in the colonies became the 
subject of insult and execration. 

As the disorders in the peninsula continued, and no 
sovereign power existed there which the colonies could 
respect, a number of the most distinguished inhabitants of 
Caraccas presented a petition to Cacas, the captain-general, 
recommending the establishment of a junta, similar to 
those in Spain. 

These sentiments led to the establishment of a junta in 
the province of Quito, in August, 1809; and the Marquis 
Selva AUegre was chosen its president. A similar junta 
had previously been created in La Paz, the capital of one 
of the districts under the dominion of the audience of 
Charcas, and was suppressed by the military force of the 
viceroy of Buenos Ayres. The viceroy of New Granada, 
Don Amar, determined to destroy the junta formed at 
Quito ; but desirous of exhibiting an appearance of acting 
in conformity to the will of the people, he convened the 
principal inhabitants of Santa Fe de Bogota, for the pur- 



230 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA, 



pose of consulting them on the subject ; beHeving that 
they would not have independence sufficient to oppose his 
will. In this, however, he was disappointed ; the assembly 
not only approved of the proceedings at Quito, but de- 
clared that a similar body ought to be formed in Santa Fe, 
for the security of the country, in case Spain should finally 
be conquered by the French. 

When the assembly again met, they were surprised to 
see that the guards of the palace were doubled, and that 
great military preparations had been made, as if an enemy 
was approaching the city. But even this seasonable dis- 
play of military force did not have the effect of overawing 
the assembly; its debates were bold and spirited. The 
viceroy took immediate steps to suppress the popular junta 
at Quito by an armed force ; and the viceroy of Peru hav- 
ing dispatched troops for the same object, the junta was 
obliged to yield to a power which it had no means of resist- 
ing. And although an assurance was given by the presi- 
dent of the audiencia of Quito, that no one should, in any 
way, suffer on account of what had taken place, yet in vio- 
lation of this plighted faith, a large number of those who 
had belonged to, or supported the popular government, 
were arrested and imprisoned ; and on the 2d of August, 
the following year, they were all massacred in prison, under 
pretense of revolt. The troops stationed in the city, after 
massacring the prisoners, were suffered to plunder the in- 
habitants ; the scene of rapine and carnage was shocking, 
and involved the property of thousands, and the lives of 
more than three hundred persons, murdered in cold blood. 
The anniversary of the fate of these early victims to the 
liberation and independence of Colombia, was commemo- 
rated by order of the junta of Caraccas, in 1810, in a solemn 
manner, with appropriate funeral honors. 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 23 1 

These tyrannical and sanguinary measures, producing 
o-reat excitement throughout the colonies, tended to weaken 
the attachment that was felt towards the parent country. 
Few individuals, however, even thought of independence ; 
on the contrary, all were anxious for a re-establishment of 
the government of Spain, and a reformation in the colonies. 
The intelligence of the disturbance in America, and the 
violent measures pursued by the colonial chiefs, alarmed 
the central junta of old Spain, and with a view to conciliate 
the wounded feelings of the Americans, they issued a 
pompous declaration, in which they asserted that "the colo- 
nies were equal to the mother country." But this was 
entirely deceptive ; no reformation of the system, no cor- 
rection of abuses, was attempted; and, notwithstanding the 
disturbances which the violence of the governors had occa- 
sioned, Spaniards were sent to America to fill all places, 
and to occupy all public employment, as had been done for 
ages past ; while the colonies were still drained of money 
to supply the pressing wants of Spain, engaged in a strug- 
gle with the gigantic power of France. 

Nothing could exceed the astonishment of the Americans, 
when, at the very time they were expecting to hear of the 
final triumph of the patriots in Spain, and the restoration 
of Ferdinand VII., they learned that the French were mas- 
ters of Madrid, and that the central junta had been driven 
to Andalusia. But their confidence in the courage of the 
people of Spain remained unshaken ; and instead of being 
discouraged by these disasters, they only served to awaken 
the zeal of the Americans in the cause of the mother coun- 
try, which they still regarded as their own. Hence, not 
only the regular remittances were made, but large sums 
were raised by subscriptions from every class of the popu- 
lation. 



232 THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

There was the same situation after the American and 
French revolutions, and the fall of Spain for a time into 
the hands of Napoleon, in all the countries of Spanish 
America — the same confusion as to rulers — the same cling- 
ing to the Spanish dynasties — the same doubts as to the 
authority of the juntas — the same bitterness of the natives 
of Spain in contesting the aspirations for equal rights with 
them by the natives of America — the same cruelties, and 
through all the wars, characteristic combats. It was within 
the consciousness of the people of Central and South 
America that they had far greater wrongs to redress than 
those in North America which ceased to be the colonies 
of Great Britain and became the United States. In the 
long wars and the many contentions as to forms of govern- 
ment, there was developed neither a Washington nor a Na- 
poleon, though many able men appeared in affairs, military 
and civil. The one name that stands first in the world's 
consideration, of the patriots of South America, is Simon 
Bolivar, and his history cannot be written without in- 
cluding largely that of several countries. Mr. Holstein's 
" Memoirs of Bolivar " open with these just observations : 

" To trace with justice and impartiality the history of 
powerful men who have not yet finished their career, is by 
no means an easy task. Burke says ' that death canonizes 
a great character.' In the political and military life of 
General Bolivar, many traits, however, have already ap- 
peared, which give a correct knowledge of the character 
and talents of the Liberator. 

" The most extravagant and contradictory opinions have, 
at different times, been given of General Bolivar. Some 
say, ' He is a great — an extraordinary man ; a man of 
transcendent knowledge and talents ; the hero of South 
America; the benefactor of his country ; its Washington ; 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 



233 



its Napoleon.' Others assure us ' He is the Cromwell, the 
tyrant, the oppressor of his country.' Truth is rarely to 
be found in any extreme. 

" That such various opinions should have been received 
of this man, is not at all surprising, when we consider that 
the majority of mankind are inclined to admire splendor, 
power and success ; and the more so, when the object of 
their attention is beyond their own sphere ; moreover, 
they blame or approve, according to their own interest or 
feelings. Rarely is their opinion formed from the evidence 
of truth, or with the spirit of impartiality. But the pro- 
fessed defender of freedom and the rights of man, natu- 
rally attract our attention more and more intensely by 
every successful event." 

The actions of General Bolivar have been considered as 
being in accordance with the wishes of all liberal and en- 
lightened men ; nay, with those of every oppressed and 
enslaved being. His smallest successes have given general 
satisfaction, and every eye has been fixed upon him and his 
proceedings. But without any exact and positive knowl- 
edge of facts, each individual has formed his own idea of 
General Bolivar, in conformity with his own wishes, and 
with his confused and incorrect notions of events on the 
main. Public opinion was soon captivated to such a degree 
that whatever accurately informed and impartial men could 
say against the Liberator was disregarded, and treated as 
mere calumny, or coming from the agents of the Holy Al- 
liance, from enemies of the cause of freedom, or from rash 
adventurers. The majority of the public have been pre- 
vented from judging for themselves, and have continued to 
contemplate General Bolivar as the hero, the father, the 
liberator of South America. 

Various causes, in the commencement of General Bolivar's 



234 THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

career, contribute to form these opinions : First. The great 
difficulty of procuring exact information, because every one 
possessing it, had his own opinions, his own views, his own 
interests, while corresponding with his friends ; others con- 
cealed the real state of facts, or circumstances which might 
enlighten, fearing their letters might be intercepted or 
miscarry, or that their names might be mentioned by their 
friends, and so their interest be affected. 

Secondly. The bulletins and proclamations of the rulers 
in Colombia, on many occasions, have been very extrava- 
gant and partial, as is generally the case with documents 
of this description, in every army throughout the world. 
These bulletins and proclamations have been faithfully trans- 
lated without comment, without any of the particulars which 
would give a correct idea of the events, and have naturally 
inspired gigantic notions of the power of a7'7nics in Colom- 
bia ; and of the heroic bravery and deep military skill of the 
leaders of these armies. Besides, the Spanish language is 
distinguished from all others by its pompous phrases, which 
give it an agreeable and high-sounding expression. The 
effect of the language, too, is enhanced by the Caraguin 
character, which is generally vain and boasting. And so it 
has happened that a skirmish, in which, in fact, only a few 
men were killed or wounded, was given out as a regular 
and bloody battle. 

Thirdly. We are in absolute want of a good, detailed and 
exact history of the events of the revolution, and of the 
contending parties from 1810 to the present time. It is a 
fact, that the people of the United States know little or 
nothing with certainty of what has passed, and is still pass- 
ing in Colombia. Our gazettes give some accounts, but 
they are few and exceedingly imperfect. 

The imperfect and erroneous statements which have been 




O 

aa 
Pi 
< 

Ui 

O 
> 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 237 

published, and die exaggerated proclamadons and bulletins 
have chiefly influenced public opinion ; the habit, too, of 
thinking General Bolivar a great and extraordinary man, a 
hero, has been growing since 18 13. and has increased to 
such a decree that it will be a difficult task to convince men 
of the exaggeration of their ideas, and the extravagance of 
their notions respecting him. 

So far as I am concerned, I can declare, that I have neither 
desire nor interest to .flatter or calumniate General Bolivar. 
I vouch for the correctness of all the facts contained in 
these memoirs, well knowing that this work will obtain only 
that degree of credit with the public which it may appear 
to merit by its accuracy and candor. 

Simon Bolivar was born in the city of Caraccas, July 24, 
1783, and is the second son of Don Juan Vicente Bolivar y 
Ponte, a military colonel in the plains of Aragua, and Dona 
Maria Conception Palacios y Sojo ; and both were nadves 
of Caraccas, and were Mantuanas. The first died in 1786, 
the latter in 1 789. 

Young Bolivar was sent to Spain at the age of fourteen, 
in compliance with the custom of the wealthy Americans of 
those times, who usually spent in one year in Europe, the 
amount of several years' income at home ; seeking office 
and military decorations, that were often put up to the 
highest bidder, under the administration of Manuel Godoy, 
Prince of the Peace. The young Americans were likewise 
accustomed to go to Spain to complete their education, and 
to pursue their studies in the profession of law, physic, or 
theology; for, according to the laws of the time, no Ameri- 
can was admitted to the bar, and allowed to pracdce in his 
profession in the universities of old Spain, nor could he 
exercise his profession at home without a diploma from a 
university in Spain. Without the same qualification, too, no 
14 



238 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 



American could, at least in New Granada, have the honor 
of being a Capuchin Friar! But as the object of young 
Simon was to see the world, and not in any manner to study 
seriously, he paid little attention to any object other than 
that of pleasure, and of satisfying his desire to witness the 
different scenes of life. He, however, devoted some time 
to the study of jurisprudence. 

He was at this period lieutenant in the corps of militia 
in the plains of Aragua, of which his father had been com- 
mander. He had an elder brother, who died in 1815. and 
two sisters who enjoyed an annual income of from ^40,000 
to ^50,000, the produce of several considerable estates, and 
particularly of an extensive Hato, on which were raised 
laree herds of cattle. These estates were at no orgeat dis- 
tance from the city of Caraccas, and at one or another of 
them Bolivar and his family usually resided. San Mateo 
was, however, the place he always preferred. It was the 
largest of his possessions, where between 1,000 and 1,500 
slaves were regularly kept before the revolution. His res- 
idence in the valley of Aragua, not far from the lake of 
Valencia, was beautiful and striking. The famous Boves 
destroyed it in 18 14. 

From Spain Bolivar passed into France, and resided at 
Paris, where he remained a number of years enjoying, at 
an early period, all the pleasures of life, which a rich young 
man, with bad examples constantly before him, can there 
easily find. I have remarked that whenever Bolivar spoke 
to me of the Palais Royal, he could not restrain himself 
from boastinor of its deliofhts. It was on such occasions 
that all his soul was electrified ; his physiognomy became 
animated, and he spoke and gesticulated with such ardor as 
showed how fond he was of that enchanting abode so dan- 
gerous to youth. 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 239 

In the year 1823 Mr. Ackermann published in London a 
very interesting- monthly periodical in the Spanish language, 
under the title of " El Mensagero." It was entirely devoted 
to the affairs of the new Spanish republics. It contains, 
among other articles, a biographical sketch of General Boli- 
var, in which the author asserts that the young Bolivar, 
during his residence in Paris, gave himself up to all the 
possible amusements of young men of his age : " Still," 
said the author, " he was assiduous to obtain the dear object 
he has always had in view, as the accomplishment of all his 
wishes, and his ambition, namely, that of making with eagei'- 
ness all possible acquaintances which might have been useful 
to hiin for the em,ancipation of his countjyi" 

There is a freedom of personal disparagement in these 
Memoirs that gives great force to the compliment that 
defines his public ambition. He had many military vicissi- 
tudes. He was not an extreme partisan, and that was 
great gain to him, but he did not escape calumny, as one 
who was sanguinary and merciless. The nature of the 
warfare as conducted appears in the Spanish treatment of 
Col. Bricenno, who was defeated and taken prisoner with 
seven of his officers, and the governor of Barinas, Don 
Francisco Tiscar, ordered them to be shot. Eight of the 
most respectable inhabitants of Barinas, being suspected 
of having assisted Colonel Bricenno in his organization, 
were also shot! From that time the war became much 
more bloody and murderous. Not only was every prisoner 
shot, but various Spanish chieftains extended this system 
to the peaceable inhabitants. 

The reason the governor (Tiscar) gave, for ordering the 
death of Bricenno and his officers was, their having been 
the principal instigators and signers of the proclamation of 
January 16, 1813, in which they declared they would put 



240 THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 

to death all Spaniards and Islennos (inhabitants of the 
Canary Islands) that might be taken prisoners. 

Of that sanguinary document, the following are the true 
causes : " Bolivar and his companions, while upon their 
march from Carthagena to Venezuela, heard that the 
Spaniards and Islennos committed the most barbarous acts 
upon the peaceable inhabitants in Venezuela, who, in virtue 
of the convention between Miranda and Monteverde, had 
confidently resumed their former occupations." It will be 
remembered that Monteverde was born in one of the 
Canary Islands. Surrounded as he was, by numbers of 
his countrymen, he was weak enough to concede altoge- 
ther to their passions, and their hatred against all who 
took an active part in the revolution at Caraccas. This 
news so enraged the Caraguins, companions in arms of 
General Bolivar, that they published a solemn declaration, 
in form of a manifesto, in which they proclaimed the "war 
of death" against all the European Spaniards and Islennos. 

Bolivar was falsely accused of signing this document, 
but he did not. While the Spaniards were engaged in 
dissensions ; he united the patriots, gained victories, and 
made a triumphant entry into Caraccas, the capital of his 
native land, August 4, 18 13. 

The enthusiasm was universal, reaching every class and 
each sex of the inhabitants of Caraccas. The women came 
to crown their liberator. They spread the ground with 
many flowers and branches of laurel and olive on his pass- 
age through the streets of the capital. The shouts of thou- 
sands were mingled with the noise of artillery, bells and 
music ; and the crowd was immense. The prisons were 
opened and the unfortunate victims of liberty came forth 
with pale and emaciated faces, like spectres from their 
graves. 



THE SPANISH WARS FOR SOUTH AMERICA. 24 1 

The writer of the memoirs tells this story. Previous to 
his entry into Caraccas, a kind of triumphal car was prepared, 
like that which the Roman consuls used on returnino- from 
a campaign, after an important victory. Theirs was drawn 
by horses; but Bolivar's car was drawn by twelve fine 
young ladies, very elegantly dressed in white, adorned with 
the national colors, and all selected from the first families 
in Caraccas. They drew him in about half an hour from 
the entrance of the city to his residence ; he standing on 
the car bareheaded and in full uniform, and he assumed, 
after a few days, the title of " Dictator and Liberator of the 
Western Provinces of Venezuela." Bolivar gave the name of 
"liberating army" to all those troops that came with him, 
and established an order of knighthood called, " The Order 
of the Liberator." 



CHAPTER XV. 

HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

The Spanish Colonial System in South America too strong for the Home 
Government, and Intolerable and Irreconcilable in its Oppression and 
Animosity — It is the same story told in the Current History of Cuba — 
The Colonies of Spain were intensely attached to her, but cruelly 
Spurned — Nothing Short of Slavery would suffice — The Confederacy of 
Colombia — French and British Influence — American Sympathizers with 
Cuba owe Historical Regard to Colombia — The Revolutions in the 
United States and France agitate the World — British Policy hostile to 
Spain, and the Influence of the Intrusion of Napoleon — Proclamation of 
the Governor of Trinidad — British Expedition to La Plata — Defeated 
at Montimaro — Pitt's Policy — The War for Independence in Mexico 
reads like late Cuban News. 

The very confusion into which the people of the Spanish 
possessions of northern South America fell, owing to the 
partial conquest of Spain by Napoleon, caused a protrac- 
tion of the struggle in various communities, because no 
one seemed to remain competent to make peace. The 
historian Niles says : 

" The natural, but mistaken apprehension of a union among states similarly 
situated, and having a common interest, of which history affords so many 
examples, has been strikingly illustrated in Colombia. When the country 
threw off the Spanish yoke, not only Venezuela and New Granada, which had 
been separate governments, but many of the provinces of each, formed juntas 
for themselves, declared their independence, and raised military forces to 
maintain it, not only against the authority of Spain, but that of the general 
governments estabhshed by the revolutionists claiming jurisdiction over them. 
In New Granada, the congress, composed of deputies from a number of the 
provinces, were obliged to make war upon the provinces of Cundanimarca 
and Carthagena, to force them into a union, or to compel obedience to its 
decrees. Although these contentions disparaged and greatly injured the 
provinces, yet it is not improbable that the existence of so many independent 
governments was, on the whole, serviceable in the prosecution of the war. 
Hostilities were carried on by the general governments of Venezuela and New 
242 



HISTOR Y REPEA IS ITSELF IN CUBA. 



243 



Granada, and also by the governments of many of the provinces at the same 
time, in conjunction or separately, and sometimes in the latter mode, when they 
were at war with each other. When the patriots were overcome in one province, 
they kept up resistance in another; and when the armies of congress were 
defeated, and the government itself overthrown, still the provincial juntas 
would keep alive the spirit of resistance. When the cause was prostrated in 
Venezuela, it was maintained in New Granada, and the former again liberated 
by troops furnished by the latter. The existence of so many independent 
separate governments, all of whom were engaged in carrying on the war, 
distracted the attention of the Spanish chiefs, and greatly embarrassed their 
operations ; but, on the other hand, it prevented the concentration of power, 
and the estabhshment of an energetic and efficient government, as well as 
occasioned almost constant dissensions. It required a long course of fatal 
experience to overcome the apprehensions and prejudices which existed 
against a consolidated government, embracing all the provinces composing the 
present territory of Colombia ; and it is probable that it could not have been 
effected, at least in a peaceable manner, except for the influence of Bolivar. 
The government established.in Venezuela in 181 1, was a confederacy similar to 
that of the United States, and at that time, and long after, was almost univer- 
sally popular both in Venezuela and New Granada. General Miranda, by 
favoring a more concentrated and energetic government, gave great offence, 
and occasioned himself to be viewed with suspicion. The province (now 
department) of Cundanimarca, in 18 14, could not be induced to unite, under 
the most urgent circumstances, with the other provinces, with which it had 
formerly been connected, and the employment of troops and the capture of 
Bogota, its capital, only, could compel it tojoin the confederation. When these 
circumstances are considered, it is apparent that the revolution, in the public mind 
must have been great, which should have led to the union of Venezuela and 
New Granada, an event not apparently even thought of at the time of which we 
have been speaking; and to the estabhshment of a government, which is not a 
confederacy of provinces, but an entire consolidation of them into one state, with 
a unity of authority. The first of these events took place in December, 1819, 
when, after the overthrow of the royal power, by the great victory of Boyaca, 
a congress was convened at Angostura. Bolivar delivered to the congress an 
elaborate speech, in which he showed that he had studied profoundly the prin- 
ciples of government, their forms, and their spirit. The object of this speech 
was to produce a conviction of the importance of a union of Venezuela and 
New Granada, and the establishment of an efficient government. On the 17th 
of the month a fundamental law was passed, which united, in one state, Vene- 
zuela and New Granada, to be called the Republic of Colombia. 

"The prevailing anxiety of the colonists, from the commencement of the 
disturbances in Spain, had been an apprehension of falling under the power of 
Bonaparte, in the event of his becoming master of the Spanish peninsula; and 
as the cause of the Spanish patriots became more desperate, the fears of the 



244 HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

colonists increased. 'What will become of us if Spain shall be conquered?' 
was a question universally asked ; and its discussion directly led to to the con- 
sideration of the necessity and right of providing new guards for their own 
security. The question admitted of only two answers ; for if Spain fell under 
the power of France, her colonies must have shared her fate, or taken care of 
themselves. The case supposed, presented but one alternative to America ; to 
fall under the power of France, or become independent. The first ideas which 
the Spanish Americans had of independence did not relate to independence as 
it respected Spain, but as to France. How different was the origin of the revolu- 
tion which resulted in the independence of the British-American colonies from 
that which separated the Spanish colonies from the mother country. The 
revolution in the British colonies originated from measures of oppression on the 
part of the parent state, and long and systematical resistance to those measures 
on the part of the colonies. The Anglo-Americans were alarmed from an 
apprehension of being oppressed by the parent country ; but the Spanish- 
Americans, although tyrannized over by Spain for centuries, were terrified at 
the prospect of the overthrow of the power of their oppressors, and they 
detested the idea of being placed under the dominion of a foreign power. 

" The news of the disastrous events in tlie Spanish peninsula, and the procla- 
mation of the regency, reached Caraccas in the year 1810, and occasioned great 
alarm. The struggle in Spain was believed to be nearly at an end, and the tinal 
triumph of Bonaparte certain. At such a conjuncture the inhabitants felt it to 
be their duty and their right to provide for their own security ; the legitimate 
government of the mother country being annihilated, and the colonies exposed 
to fall into the hands of a foreign power. 

"The prime object of the colonial rulers was to keep the colonies in a state 
of dependence on some power in Europe, and they seemed hardly to care where 
or what it was. And it is not difficult to discover the motives of this conduct; 
as long as America could be kept in a state of dependence, the colonial rulers 
supposed a readiness to acknowledge any authority which claimed dominion 
over Spain, and consequently over America, was the most sure way of preserv- 
ing their stations. They wished to keep America dependent, not so much from 
a regard to the interests of Spain, as to preserve their own power, being very 
sensible that they could have no part in any government constituted by the 
people. Hence, the violence with which they pursued the American patriots; 
every act, every movement tending toward the independence of the colonies, 
although temporary, and with the entire and express recognition of Ferdinand 
VII., was regarded as a blow aimed at their own power. This is the cause of 
the fury with which they pursued the first patriots in the colonies ; and the 
zeal they pretended to feel for their country was stimulated by an apprehension 
of losing their own power. 

"The influence which the condition of Spain had on her colonies, the meas- 
ures that the Americans had adopted, and the violence with which they had 
been opposed by the Spanish rulers, both in Spain and the colonies, had greatly 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 



245 



increased the jealousy and unfriendly feelings between the Creoles, or native 
Americans, and the European-Spaniards in America. In July, 1810, an affray 
occurred at Santa Fe de Bogota, which originated from a European-Spaniard 
insulting a native American, and including in the opprobrious and reproachful 
language which he apphed to him, all his countrymen. The quarrel between 
these two individuals soon assumed a serious aspect; the citizens collecting to 
the scene of contention, the Spaniards joining on the side of their countrymen, 
and the Creoles taking part with theirs, a contest ensued, in which the latter, 
being the most numerous, were triumphant. Under the influence of the excite- 
ment which this popular contest had occasioned, a meeting of the inhabitants 
was convened and a junta established. In Chili the Captain-General exas- 
perated the people to such a degree that he was obliged to resign his office, and 
a junta was formed in September; and in Mexico an insurrection broke out 
the same month in consequence of the violent measures of Venegas, the new 
Viceroy." 

The fact that the rebels recognized Ferdinand had no 
influence on the colonial system of Spain, and the Regency 
of Spain declared Caraccas to be in a state of blockade in 
this decree, August 31, 1810: 

" Scarcely had the council of regency received intelligence of the occurrences 
at Caraccas, whose inhabitants, instigated no doubt by some intriguing and 
factious persons, were guilty of declaring themselves indepe7ide7it of the mother 
country, and of forming a governing jtmta to exercise this supposed independent 
authority, when it determined to take the most active atid efficacious means to 
attack the evil in its origijt and prevent its pj'Ogress. But in order to proceed 
with mature deliberation the regency consulted the council of Spain and the 
Indies, and has taken such measures as will answer the end proposed, particu- 
larly as neither the province of Maracaibo, nor the department of Coro, have 
taken part in the criminal proceedings ; but, on the contrary, have ackiiowledged 
the council of regency, and taken the most efficacious measures to oppose the 
absurd idea of Caraccas declaring herself independejtt, without being possessed 
of the means of obtaining independence I The regency hereby declares the 
province of Caraccas in a state of rigorous blockade, etc. These resolutions 
do not extend to the above-mentioned divisions, which, having refused to follow 
the pernicious examples of Caraccas, have manifested their constant fidelity by 
opposing the plan of rebeUion, which only originated in the unlimited ambition 
of some persons and in the blind credulity of others, who suffered themselves 
to be hurried away by the ardent passions of their fellow-countrymen. The 
regency has taken the m.ost secure measures to extirpate these evils, and to 
punish the authors of them with all the rigor which the rights of sovereignty 
authorize it to use, unless there be a previous and voluntary submission, in 



246 HISTOR V REPEA TS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

which case the regency grants them a general pardon. The regency commands 
that these resohitions be circulated through all the Spanish dominions, that 
they may be carried into effect there as well as in foreign countries, and that 
they may act conformably with the measures taken for the blockade of the said 
coasts," etc. 

The historian Niles says : 

" This decree of the regency was a declaration of war, and its authors, without 
inquiring into the causes which occasioned the measures pursued in the colonies, 
or making a single effort for conciliation, rashly plunged the two countries into 
all the horrors of civil war. The answer of the junta of Caraccas to the Marquis 
de las Hermanzas, minister in Spain, containing an expose of the reasons which 
occasioned the establishment of the junta, and justifying the measure, instead 
of tending to allay the feelings of the regency, and the people of Spain, greatly 
inflamed them. 

"Emissaries were sent to Porto Rico, Montevideo, Panama and Mexico, for 
the purpose of arousing political and religious prejudices in favor of Spain, 
and against the new governments in America, by making promises to some 
and threatening others, to produce dissensions among the patriots, thus to 
destroy the new governments in the bud. But the principal reliance of the 
rulers of Spain was on the sword, and consequently troops were sent to Monte- 
video, Vera Cruz, Coro, Santa Martha and Panama, with a view to dragoon 
the Americans into submission ; although at this time every soldier was wanted 
at home for the defence of the country. The rage, however, which prevailed 
against the invaders of their own country, violent as it was, did not equal that 
towards the rebellious Americans, The animosity of the Cortes against the 
colonists corresponded with the feelings of the regency, and although some 
Americans, who happened at the time to be in the Isle of Leon, were chosen 
members of the Cortes, so strong were the feelings of that body, they scarcely 
dared to speak in favor of their countrymen." 

It will be perceived that this is the same story as that 
of Cuba, with the difference that the loyalty of Cuba to 
Spain during the Bonaparte invasion was exceptional. The 
Spaniards were so slow to understand the Americans that 
they found those who would have been with them always 
alienated before there was a thought of conciliation. The 
American members of the Cortes, in January, 181 1, sub- 
mitted propositions of conciliation, a most instructive docu- 
ment, as follows : 

" 1st. In conformity to the decree of the central junta, dated the 15th of 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 247 

October, 1809, which declared the inhabitants of Spanish-America equal in 
rights to those of the Peninsula, the national representation of every part of 
Spanish-America, the Spanish West Indies, and the Philippine Islands, includ- 
ing every class of their inhabitants, shall be the same in form, manner, and 
without distinction, as in the kingdom and islands of European Spain. 

" 2d. The free natives and inhabitants of Spanish- America shall be allowed 
to plant and cultivate whatever their climate will produce, with license to 
encourage industry, and to promote manufactures and arts to their fullest 
extent. 

" 3d. Spanish-America shall enjoy the liberty of exporting her own natural 
and manufactured productions to the Peninsula, as well as to the allies and to 
neutral nations ; and of importmg whatever she may want. All her ports are 
consequently to be opened." [This and the preceding demand were agreed 
to, but the order to carry them into execution was never published.] 

" 4th. There shall be a free trade between Spanish-America and the Spanish 
settlements in Asia. Everything mihtating against this freedom to be abolished. 

" 5th. Freedom of trade to be granted from all the ports in Spanish-America 
and the PhiHppine Islands to other parts of Asia. Any law existing contrary 
to such freedom to be annulled. 

" 6th. All estancos or monopolies in favor of the public treasury or of the 
king, shall be suppressed ; but the public treasury shall be indemnified for the 
loss of the profits arising from such monopoly by new duties on the same 
articles. 

" 7th. The working of the quicksilver mines shall be free in Spanish- 
America, but the administration of the produce shall remain in charge of the 
officers of the mining department, independent of the viceroys and captain- 
general, and officers of the real hacienda.^^ [This was granted, and orders 
were published for carrying it into execution in the provinces under the 
Spaniards.] 

"8th. All Spanish-Americans shall be ehgible equally with Spaniards to all 
appointments of rank or emolument, whether at court or in any part of the 
monarchy,— either in political, military or ecclesiastical departments. 

" 9th. Consulting the natural protection of each kingdom in Spanish-America, 
half of the public appointments shall be filled by Spanish subjects born in 
America. 

" loth. That the above stipulations may be punctually adhered to, a con- 
sultive junta shall be formed in each capital, to the intent that it may propose 
persons suited to fill each vacancy.'' 

This has the flavor of the futile autonomist Hterature in 
Cuba ; and the fatalities of the Spanish colonial system 
that appeared in South America have been duplicated in 
current Cuban experience. The people of the United States 



248 HISTOR y REPEA TS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

who sympathize so keenly with the Cubans, owe historical 
respect for the South Americans, who won their indepen- 
dence through the same course of horrors and sorrows. 

The Bonapartes finding that the Americans disHked the 
French so intensely they would never submit to France, did 
what they could to promote a coalition in Spanish-America. 
Joseph Bonaparte dispatched agents to America for the 
purpose of exciting and encouraging the revolution there ; 
giving them full and minute instructions, embracing even 
the motto to be inscribed on the revolutionary banners, 
which was, " Long live the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman 
religion, and perish the bad government." These instruc- 
tions were given to M. Desmolard, of Baltimore, who was 
the principal agent of Joseph Bonaparte, and to other emis- 
saries sent into the colonies. 

A copy of these instructions was found in Caraccas, in 
the office of the secretary of the junta, and forwarded to 
the admiral of the Barbadoes station, as a caution aeainst 
the intrigues of the Bonapartes, The French agents pene- 
trated into different parts of the American settlements, and 
one of them was discovered in the town of Habana and 
shot. 

The court of St. James, in 1797, openly encouraged a 
revolution in Venezuela, as appears by the proclamation of 
the governor of Trinidad. Spain then being an ally of 
France, and her resources wasted by Napoleon in support- 
ing his wars against England and her allies, the British 
ministry wished to separate her colonies from Spain, to 
deprive her of the supplies she received from them, and 
also to secure to Great Britain a lucrative trade with 
America. But after the general rising in Spain against 
Bonaparte, the tables were turned, and the Spaniards, from 
being the enemies of Great Britain, became her friends and 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 



249 



allies. Feeling interested in the success of the war prose- 
cuting in the Spanish peninsula against France, Great 
Britain became the mediator between Spain and her col- 
onies, and in June, 1810, Lord Liverpool wrote to General 
Layard, governor of Curacoa, "that his Britannic majesty 
had strong reasons for hoping that the inhabitants of Car- 
accas would acknowledge the authority of the regency of 
Spain." The English attempted mediation between Spain 
and Colombia in hostility to France, and Colombia invited 
the sympathy and assistance of the United States. The 
British influence was finally weighed in Colombia in opposi- 
tion to impossible Spain. 

The revolutions in the United States and France in the 
last quarter of the eighteenth century aroused the people 
of all enlightened nations, and deepened the conflict for 
supremacy on the seas between England, France and Spain. 
The influence of her vast American possessions aggrandized 
Spain, but was not wholesome, and her enormous colonial 
fabric was easily shaken, but the several parts were 
strangely moved to inconsistency by their attachment to the 
dynasty of Spain and pride in the grandeur of her name, still 
fascinating, though declining. England closely estimated 
the lessons she received in the loss of her colonies, and 
remembered that in the later days of the Continental con- 
flict, both France and Spain were against the British, the 
French and Spaniards when Rodney won his decisive victory 
being about to unite to attempt the conquest of Jamaica. 

The French Revolution followed closely upon that in the 
United States. For a time the whole world seemed against 
the French who had taken the liberty of throwing ofT the 
monarchical system, the United States being, for the time, 
the only country in diplomatic relations with the French 
Republic. Suddenly there was a startling apparition, that 



250 HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 

of Napoleon. Mr. Pitt had, in remembrance of the shifty 
course of Spain, encouraged the first manifestations of dis- 
satisfaction among the Spanish colonists. The following 
proclamation from the British Governor of Trinidad defines 
the policy of his government. 

" By virtue of an official paper, which I, the governor of this island of Trini- 
dad, have received from the right honorable Henry Dundas, minister of his 
Britannic majesty for foreign affairs, dated 7th April, 1797, which I here pub- 
lish in obedience to orders, and for the use which your Excellencies may draw 
from its publication, in order that you may communicate its tenor, which is 
literally as follows: ' The object which at present I desire most particularly to 
recommend to your attention is the means which might best be adapted to lib- 
erate the people of the continent near the island of Trinidad, from the oppres- 
sive and tyrannic system which supports, with so much rigor, the monopoly of 
commerce, under the title of exclusive registers, which the government licenses 
demand ; also to draw the greatest advantages possible, and which the local 
situation of the island presents, by opening a direct and free communication 
with the other parts of the world without prejudice to the commerce of the 
British nation. In order to fulfill this intention with greater facility, it will be 
prudent for your Excellency to animate the inhabitants of Trinidad in keeping 
up the communication which they had with those of Terra Firma, previous 
to the reduction of that island ; under the assurance that they will find there 
an entrepot, or general magazine of every sort of goods whatever. To this 
end his Britannic majesty has determined, in council, to grant freedom to the 
ports of Trinidad, with a direct trade to Great Britain. 

" ' With regard to the hopes you entertain of raising the spirits of those per- 
sons, with whom you are in correspondence, toward encouraging the inhabitants 
to resist the oppressive authority of their govertunent, I have little more to say, 
than that they may be certai?i that, whenever they are in that disposition, they 
may receive, at your hands, all the succors to be expected from his Britantiic 
Majesty , be it with forces, or with arms and a^nmunition, to any extent; with 
the assurance that the views of his Britannic Majesty go no further than to 
secure tp them their independence, without pretending to any sovereignty over 
their country, nor even to i?tterfere with the privileges of the people, nor in their 
political, civil, or religious rights' 

"Thomas Picton, &c., &c. 

•'Puerto de Espana, 26th June, 1797.' " 

Niles, Historian of South America and Mexico, says : 

" It had long been a favorite project of Mr. Pitt to aid the emancipation of 
South America, and to open a trade with that country. He had frequent con- 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 251 

ferences with the ex-Jesuit, Juan Pablo Viscardi Gusman, a native of Peru, and 
an enthusiast in favor of the independence of America, who represented the 
country to be impatient under the Spanish yoke, and ripe for revolt. He also 
published in London an appeal to his countrymen, using all the powers of his 
eloquence in attempting to bring them to a sense of their degraded condition. 
The British ministry encouraged Genei-al Miranda in his designs to revolutionize 
Venezuela, and aided the premature expedition which he fitted out in 1801 ; and 
furnished the funds for that which he afterward fitted out from the United States 
in 1806, though it was done without the assistance or sanction of Congress. 
This expedition failed without accomplishing anything, and a number of young 
men from the United States, falling into the hands of the Spaniards, became 
victims of their own credulity, and the cruelty of tyrannical power. It is said, 
that during President Adams' administration, the British ministry made pro- 
posals to our government to assist in the emancipation of the Spanish colonies, 
which did not meet a favorable reception. 

" The failure of Miranda's expedition did not discourage the British govern- 
ment; for in 1806 Spain then being in aUiance with France in the war which 
prevailed in Europe, they fitted out a squadron under Sir Home Popham, which 
entered the La Plata on the 25th of June, and anchored about twelve miles 
below Buenos Ayres, where the troops disembarked without opposition. 

" The inhabitants, and the Viceroy Soleimente, wei'e filled with consternation. 
After experiencing a feeble opposition at Rio Chueto, three miles from the city, 
Genei-al Beresford entered the capital and took possession of the citadel. Don 
J M. Pueyredon, afterward dictator, at the head of a company of hussars, was 
the only officer vvho did anything to oppose the advance of the English. The 
Spaniards, on learning the small number of their enemies, determined to expel 
them The viceroy had escaped to Montevideo, and Liniers, a French emi- 
grant but an officer in the Spanish service, passed over to the eastern shore of 
the river, exciting the people to arms. The viceroy collected one thousand 
regulars which he joined with those of Liniers, to whom the command of the 
united force was given. With these troops, Liniers immmediately recrossed the 
river when the inhabitants flocking around his standard, soon enabled hmi to 
attack the British with great effect, compelling them, after they had sustamed 
a heavy loss, to surrender on the 12th of August. 1806. Soon after this event 
reinforcements arrived from the Cape of Good Hope, which enabled Sir Home 
Popham to reduce Montevideo by storm. 

" This expedition, as appeared from the trial of Sir Home Popham, was not 
expressly authorized by the British ministry, but was so far from being disap- 
proved of by them, that it was followed up by a bold and extensive plan of 
conquest Two squadrons, each with a large body of troops, one commanded by 
General Whitlock, the other by General Crawford, were fitted out for the capture 
of Buenos Ayres; after accomplishing this, Crawford had received orders to 
proceed around Cape Horn and capture Valparaiso; and, for the more eff-ectu- 
ally securing their conquest, to establish military posts across the continent, 



252 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 



from Buenos Ayres to Valparaiso. The object of the ministry was entirely 
changed since 1797 ; now it was not to aid the inhabitants in establishing their 
independence, but to subjugate the country." 

In this enterprise the British were defeated with great 
loss, the native Americans not rising as expected to throw 
off the Spanish yoke. The English had not made material 
progress in any quarter to upset the Spanish government 
in American colonies, when the scene was changed by the 
subjugation of Spain by Bonaparte. The native American- 
Spanish rivaled the Spaniards of the peninsula in their 
hatred of the French, and they preferred with great passion 
the Spanish King Ferdinand, to Joseph Bonaparte. Niles 
writing of Mexico, in 1838, says: 

" All the officers of government being sent from Spain, the inhabitants could 
view them in no other light than as their oppressors, and as having been im- 
ported for that express purpose. The possession of power, and the favor of the 
government, rendered the Europeans haughty and insolent, as is always the 
case with a privileged class, and this tended still more to exasperate the feelings 
of the Creoles. Hence the long, bitter and sanguinary war of the late revolution. 

" If there ever was a people in a state of political bondage, of oppressive 
and degrading servitude, it was the Spanish colonists. Fortunately for them, 
the cause of liberty, and the honor of America, circumstances favored their 
emancipation, and they are now free. The struggle has been long, ardu- 
ous and bloody, characterized by a spirit of bitterness and animosity, which 
spread desolation over the fairest portions of America, and in some districts 
almost swept away the entire population. The independence and liberty of 
Spanish-America has been dearly purchased ; it has been bought with the best 
blood of the country, and this has flowed freely. In Mexico, after a destructive 
war for twelve years, the royal government was finally overthrown. But this 
only established a new and ephemeral tyranny, in the person of Iturbide, who 
had been the instrument of crushing the Spanish despotism. Whilst he was 
at the head of affairs the government acquired no stability.'' 

It is remarkable how close the correspondence is between 
the elements of the war in Mexico that gave to that country 
her freedom, and those that appear in the long agony of the 
Cuban conflict. This from the Mexican historian reads 
like a fresh chapter of Cuban history : 




GENERAL FITZ-HUGH LEE. 




CAPTAIN SIGSBEE. 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF IN CUBA. 



255 



" The contest assumed a character pecuHarly savage and horrible; the war 
was not only a war of death, but of desolation. Vengeance and destruction 
seem to have filled the minds of the royal chiefs, who were as weak as they 
were destitute of every sentiment of justice or humanity, in supposing that 
'examples of terror,' and destruction, would restore tranquillity to a distracted 
country. After the capture of Zitaquaro, Calleja published a decree, depriving 
the Indians, of that department, of their property and immunities, declaring the 
property of all Mexicans, who had taken any part in the insurrection, or who 
fled from the city on the entry of the royal troops, to be forfeited ; transferring 
the capital of the department to Marabatio, and ordering the town of Zitaquaro 
razed to the ground, allowing the inhabitants six days only to leave it, with 
their movables, which they were permitted to take 'as proof of mercy;' and 
threatening the same destruction against any town which should harbor 
the members of the junta. The scene of horror and distress which this 
decree, conceived in the true spirit of Vandalism, produced, surpassed the 
power of imagination.'' 



15 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 

The People of Chili the Yankees of South America — Napoleon Indirectly the 
Cause of the Revolution in Chili — Colonists Deprived of Pohtical Rights 
— The Colonies were Governed for the Benefit of the Mother Country 
only — All Offices Held by European-Spaniards — Chih's Conservative 
Course in the Struggle for Greater Liberties — The Wars that Finally 
Won Chilian Independence. 

It has been meant as a compliment to the people of Chili 
to call them the Yankees of South America. Their energy, 
perseverance, thrift and enterprise have been in mind when 
the characterization referred to has been employed as a 
choice descriptive phrase. The influences that ripened 
into revolution in Chili originated in the Madrid court in- 
trigfues. 

The Queen, Maria Louisa, in reality governed Spain 
rather than the Kinor, Charles IV. At that time, Prince 
Ferdinand, heir to the crown, was conspiring against Godoi, 
the Queen's favorite, who had been raised by her from an 
officer of the guards to the position of prime minister, and 
was in constant quarrels with his royal parents. It was at 
this time that Napoleon concerted with Godoi and gained 
permission to enter Spain with his armies. Napoleon ad- 
vanced to Madrid now. Charles IV. abdicated in favor of 
his son Ferdinand, the people having pronounced against 
Godoi and the court. He was a fickle monarch, and soon 
desired to resume his crown ; that Ferdinand would not 
permit him to do. Napoleon wanted Spain, and took un- 
scrupulous advantage of the situation. He caused both 

father and son to renounce their rights to the throne in favor 
256 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI 257 

of his brother Joseph. Charles and Ferdinand were held 
in France. It was a plain case of Napoleonic baseness. 
Of course the Spaniards organized juntas, and entered 
upon guerrilla warfare, but there were too many juntas. 
There were like proceedings in the colonies. The great his- 
torian, who has done admirable work in pouring light upon 
the Spanish fields of American history, makes this striking 
statementoftheinherent viciousness of the Spanish colonial 
system : " The system was in its theory or principles a most 
absolute and despotic government, and rendered more 
oppressive by the corruptions and abuses of power which 
had been introduced into every department of the adminis- 
tration. Some account of this system is given in the sketch 
of the history of Spanish-America, previous to the revolu- 
tion, which we will not repeat here. The colonists were 
deprived of all political rights, scarcely excepting what was 
strictly municipal ; they were denied all the advantages of 
commerce and manufactures, and even agriculture was sub- 
jected to discouraging and onerous restrictions. The colo- 
nial system was founded on the principle that the colonies 
were in a state of minority and tutelage, and were to be 
governed, not for their own benefit, but for the advantage of 
their parent, who, without regard for the future well-being of 
her offspring, in the exercise of paternal authority, thought 
only of rendering it most conducive to her own immediate 
interest. Among the abuses of the system was the practice, 
which had long prevailed, of conferring all offices on Euro- 
pean-Spaniards, to the entire exclusion of the Creoles or 
Americans, notwithstanding it was declared in the original 
compact between the king and the first settlers, that after 
the first discoverers and conquerors, the setders and those 
born In the provinces were to be preferred In all appoint- 
ments and public employments." 



258 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILL 



This is the precise truth of all the Spanish colonies, and 
it is by this system that the grandeur of Spain has perished. 
One thing further we quote from the same historical au- 
thority : "The colonies would neither recognize Joseph 
Bonaparte nor the Spanish juntas as having authority over 
them, but wished to govern themselves through the me- 
dium of juntas of their own creating, during the captivity 
of the king. This was obnoxious to the Spanish officials 
in the new world and was looked upon as treasonable by 
the junta of Seville and the Cadiz regency. The Creoles, 
or American-born subjects of Spanish descent, established 
juntas or governing boards composed of three or more 
leading citizens, and began the reform of institutions and 
abuses. The Spanish party resisted and war followed." 

When Ferdinand regained his throne, the continental 
colonies of America were lost, or so far on the pathway to 
independence that there was no returning. The course of 
events became irresistible. The Spanish governments in 
the Americas have been as abusive of popular rights as 
possible, and as for the crimes charged against the later 
Spanish governors, the historian Hancock says : 

"These men are only exaggerated examples of the 
Spanish viceroys and governors from Pizarro to Lascerna. 
The greed and corruption of the civil and military men 
sent out by Spain to govern the natives, with few excep- 
tions, from the time of the conquest to the revolution, 
tended to alienate the natives and American-born Spanish 
people from the mother country. They practiced horrible 
cruelties upon the Indians, enslaving them upon their fiefs, 
and compelling them to work and perish in the mines. 
The Spanish system of governing was tyrannical in the 
extreme, and gave the people few of the benefits of govern- 
ment, or their labor, and of the natural productions of the 



I 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI 259 

countries ; the right of the cultivation of grapes, olives and 
tobacco was denied them ; they were compelled to buy 
their wines, oils and tobacco from monopolies promoted by 
the mother country ; enormous duties were levied on all 
imported manufactured goods, and these importations were 
confined to a monopoly of Cadiz merchants who sent out 
only a few vessels each year. These goods the natives 
were compelled to purchase at extortionate prices by the 
Spanish governors, who often shared in the profits. The 
financial system of the colonies was based upon a perfect 
monopoly and exclusion in favor of Spain, and the reve- 
nues were raised in a corrupt and tyrannical manner. The 
estanco was a monopoly which the government claimed for 
itself exclusively ; it was a monopoly of the growth and 
sale of tobacco, and the sale of foreign wines and spirits. 
Of these, tobacco yielded an immense profit. Guayaquil 
was the principal place for the cultivation of the plant ; at 
Lima, the king had extensive central warehouses. No 
tobacco was suffered to grow in Chili ; every person sell- 
ing the article must pay a license and even then could only 
purchase from the government depots, which were estab- 
lished in the different towns. In the year 1808 the royal 
revenues from tobacco amounted to ;^ 183, 2 78, and it is 
probable that the amount would have reached ^,300,000 had 
it not been for official peculations and depreciations in 
value. 

"Another burden the colonists endured under Spanish 
rule was the system of tithes. By a special act of the papal 
authorities the king of Spain was given the Church under 
his special care, and by him the tithes were claimed and 
collected. Nominally these were distributed in the follow- 
ing manner : one-fourth to archbishops and bishops, one- 
fourth to deacons and canons, one-fourth to curates, the 



26o THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI 

remainder to the building of churches. In time corruption 
crept in ; the king appropriated large sums to other pur- 
poses and cut down ecclesiastical salaries ; the tithes were 
farmed out to individuals in large lots, and these again to 
smaller bidders, all seeking to make large profits from the 
purchases. This came at length to be a severe burden 
and imposition upon the peasantry, who had the tithes to 
pay." 

There was a great deal of talk of reform, but none of the 
reality. As revolutions broke out in Chili and Peru they 
were assailed by the Spaniards with murderous menace, 
and those who rebelled against intolerable oppression suf- 
fered for their resentment of wrong, the most frightful tor- 
tures. It is the old, old story, and it is high time the 
United States entered upon the duty of clearing the Amer- 
icas of the last vestigfes of the ancient scoundrelism, the 
most corrupt, savage, and vicious in the world. 

The Spanish power was strongly organized in Peru, and 
after several revolts and a defeat in 1815, Hancock says : 

" Few further attempts to achieve their independence 
were made by the Peruvians until after the battle at Maypo, 
in Chili, in April, 18 18; their final independence was not 
achieved until Bolivar had won the battle of Pinchincha, 
near Quito, in 1822. 

"Chili, Peru, the Argentine Republic, Bolivia and Colom- 
bia are so intimately associated in the revolutionary struggle 
that the history of the period applies scarcely more to one 
than to all of these provinces. Belgrano, San Martin and 
Bolivar are names connected with the struggle from Colom- 
bia to La Plata. In this united struggle it was necessary 
for Buenos Ayres, where the revolutionary movement had 
been early made in the south, to assist both Chili and Peru 
to preserve her own declared independence against the 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILL 26 1 

royalist household in Lima. This brought the war early to 
that part of Peru bordering upon the territories of Buenos 
Ayres — Upper Peru, now Bolivia. 

The revolution broke out in Buenos Ayres and Caraccas ; 
in the former place, the viceroy, Cisneros, was deposed and 
a junta formed, May 22, 1810. Castelli's eloquence in the 
congress, which was assembled, confounded the royalists 
and paved the way for a revolution. After some successes, 
followed by reverses in Montevideo and the province of 
Salta, the patriots of Buenos Ayres finally made a treaty 
with the Brazilian-Portuguese sent against them to Monte- 
video, the Spanish colonies of La Plata being then at war 
with Brazil over boundaries. 

A conspiracy was formed at Montevideo, instigated by 
royalist Spaniards of Buenos Ayres. A battle was fought 
at Vilcapugio, in which Belgrano was defeated by the royal- 
ist force of Peru under Pezuela, and a little later the patriots 
were completely routed. The situation of Buenos Ayres 
was now critical, threatened as it was on the side of Peru 
by a victorious royalist army, and on the side of Monte- 
video by an opposing Portuguese-Brazilian army. 

"While the struggle was going on in Buenos Ayres, and 
in Chili and Peru, the northern provinces were in like 
manner fighting for their independence. Here the war was 
waged by the royalists with even greater persistence and 
ferocity than in the south. Venezuela was the first to form 
an independent junta and throw off the Spanish yoke ; but 
there the royalists were after a time victorious, and terrible 
was their revenge. The people of Venezuela were pro- 
scribed, Caraccas was turned into a vast prison. These 
brutal measures raised up young Marino with an army ; 
cruelty and extortion had, indeed, previously raised up a 
patriot army in Venezuela for General Miranda. The 



262 THE REVOLbTION IN CHILL 

liberation of Venezuela and Colombia was finally achieved 
by Marino and Bolivar. 

" The fate of Quito was decided favorably by Bolivar and 
Sucre in the battle of Pinchincha, June 22, 1822. The battle 
of Ayacucho, December 9, 1824, struck the fatal blow to 
the royalist power in Peru. Olaneta was defeated by Gen- 
eral Sucre at Potosi, in April, 1825, and the territories of 
Upper Peru, the theatre of the first and last acts in the 
bloody drama, were made free, and declared themselves 
the Republic of Bolivar. The battle of Maypo, April 5, 
1818, decided the issue in Chili in favor of the patriots." 

This rapid review by the historian Hancock puts a lu- 
minous thread through a mass of entangled and obscure 
records. In Chili the people were slow to make revolt 
radical. They first asked to be permitted to plant and 
cultivate whatever their soil and climate would produce, 
to open their ports to all nations, to have free trade among 
themselves and between the colonies of the mother coun- 
try, to have all monopolies in favor of the king and public 
treasuries suppressed, to have free working of quicksilver 
mines, to make Spanish-Americans eligible equally with 
Spaniards to all appointments of rank and employment, to 
have consulting juntas formed in each capital to the intent 
that they might propose persons to fill vacancies. In Ca- 
racas, Buenos Ayres, Santiago, La Paz, and Quito, the 
first juntas made no declarations of independence ; they 
sought only redress of wrongs. Nevertheless they assailed 
the Spanish system, and they " excited the bitterest antag- 
onism of the governing body of Spain, of Spanish' rulers, 
of the Cadiz monopolists, of Spaniards in America, and 
greatly increased also the jealousy and unfriendly feelings 
which had long existed between the native Spanish- Ameri- 
cans, or Creoles, and the European-Spaniards in America. 



THE RF. VOLUTION IN CHILL 



263 



War was at first rather with the arrogant and corrupt vice- 
roys and their Spanish sympathizers, than with Spain her- 
self." 

But the Spaniards were desperately determined to put 
down rebellion and alienate the people of the colonies. In 
the Cuban history of to-day we have the history of other 
days in South America. Cuba is only the latest and last 
example of Spanish misgovernment in America. 

The first congress assembled in Chili on July 4th, 181 1. 
Many reformatory measures were passed, including the 
abolition of slavery. The Royal Audience had been dis- 
solved and the executive power vested in the junta. Con- 
gress decreed that curates should be paid from the public 
treasury, not by tithes ; that restriction should be removed 
from commerce ; that the ancient law regulating the ap- 
pointment of officers in the municipalities (the cabildos) 
should be annulled, and that henceforth such offices should 
be filled by annual elections. But this was revolution. 

It was the leading citizens of Chili, rather than the 
native population, who were inspired by the news from 
Caraccas, La Paz, Quito and Buenos Ayres, the rumbling 
preceding the storm, to do something toward alleviating 
their own ealllne burdens. Their desire was not at first 
to separate themselves from Spain, but rather to modify 
the laws. There were two parties. The Spanish party 
headed by the president and supported by the Royal Au- 
dience, the clergy and the governmisnt officers, who desired 
that the juntas of Spain should be recognized as authority; 
the patriots formed the other party and advocated the for- 
mation o{ 2, junta nacional de gobierno, or national govern- 
ing body, to take charge of the government during the 
captivity of the king. They were simply rebels to the 
Spaniards. The captain-general began to arrest leading 



264 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 



citizens. There was a large raid of juntas, and the usual 
massacres. The Spaniards were those born in Spain and 
they were royalists. The Americans were natives and 
patriots. As the latter gained power steps were taken to 
replace Spanish officers with patriots. The three Carrera 
brothers, Jose Miguel, Juan and Luis, had this in charge, 
and executed the manoeuvre skillfully. The Spanish officers 
were seized in their barracks and the troops gained over. 
Congress passed a decree to the effect that all Spaniards, 
who were not satisfied with the new movement, should quit 
the country within six months with all their property and 
effects. 

The Carreras now sought to effect a revolution, by which 
means they hoped to place themselves at the head of the 
government. The junta of leading citizens which had been 
formed, one of whom was Jose Miguel Carrera, the eldest 
brother, became impatient of the restraint and control of 
congress, and considered the advisability of usurping the 
whole governing power. 

The thing needful when there was any change was a 
new Junta. Patriots and radicals conspired against them- 
selves, Hancock remarks : During the time that the 
Carreras were in power, there were constant dissensions 
and disaffections. Four conspiracies against them were 
suppressed ; all kinds of shocking enormities were com- 
mitted ; many were the confiscations, great was the cor- 
ruption. Carrera induced printers to come to the country 
from the United States and had procured a press and 
printing materials. A paper was started called " La Auro- 
ra," which advocated the revolutionary cause. This was 
conducted by Father Camilo Henriquez. Other writers also 
contributed to the revolutionary cause; such as Antonio 
Jose de Irizarri, a Guatemalian, Doctor Bernardo Vera, 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 265 

an Argentine and the poet of the revolution, Manuel Salas 
and Juan Egana, who drew up the first draft of the Con- 
stitution. 

After many battles the patriots got the worst of the warfare 
and Osorio marched his victorious royalist army to Santiago 
and there restored the authority of Spain and the viceroy. 
In fact, the inhabitants of the capital, tired of the misrule 
of the Carreras, sent a deputation inviting him to come 
and restore order. 

At the end of October, Valparaiso and all the principal 
tow^ns were occupied. Then Osorio soon threw^ off the 
mask. The leading citizens became the victims of his ven- 
geance ; arrests, imprisonments and banishments followed. 
More than one hundred of the principal patriots were ban- 
ished to the desolate island of Juan Fernandez, of Robinson 
Crusoe fame, lying three hundred and eighty miles from 
the Chilian coast. Among these were Dona Rosario de 
Rosalis, who solicited and obtained permission to accom- 
pany her aged father to the island. For two years and a 
half, 1 8 14 to 181 7, the viceroy maintained the Spanish 
authority in Chili, which he governed with the greatest 
rigor. Don Fernando de Abascal, the Peruvian viceroy, 
was the ablest, the most resolute of the Spanish leaders ; 
he crushed the uprising of Pumacagua, the revolution in 
Upper Peru and the revolution in Chili. 

At first there was a large body of Chilians to hail this 
return to the royal power and authority of the viceroy with 
satisfaction, for the country had grown tired of the factional 
disputes and the arbitrary rule of the Carreras. After all 
there was no evil so acute as Spanish rule, and help came 
to the patriots from Buenos Ay res, the deliverer being 
Don Jose de San Martin, "the Hannibal of the Andes," 
who was " tall and well-formed ; his whole appearance was 



266 THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI 

soldierly ; he had an olive complexion, black hair, wore 
large side-whiskers without moustache ; his eyes were large 
and black and full of fire ; his countenance was expressive, 
his deportment gentlemanly and insinuating. He was a 
cautious, brave general, with a Napoleonic talent for organ- 
ization." 

The passage of the Andes is thus sketched by Hancock: 
" General San Martin led his cavalry by way of Puntaendo, 
January 17th, 181 7. The infantry and artillery advanced 
by the usual route, passing Cuevas. It was such a march 
as Almagro undertook two hundred and eighty years 
before ; it was a Hannibal or a Bonaparte crossing the 
Alps. Every cavalryman had a sword, a horse, a saddle, 
a poncho; each infantry soldier carried a musket, cartridge- 
pouch and poncho, besides provisions for the journey. The 
latter consisted of dried meat and parched corn. The 
army was not encumbered with baggage, tents, stores or 
provisions. There were depots of provender established 
every twelve leagues. There were 7,359 mules for the 
workmen and cavalry, and 1,922 beef cattle. Field-pieces 
were carried, slung between mules, or dragged on sledges 
made of hides. Derricks were used to hoist or lower them 
over precipitous places. 

The ganchus were soon short of provisions, and this fact 
caused them to push forward with incredible exertion, so 
that the rapidity with which they traversed the passes, here 
more than 1 3,000 feet above sea-level, and covered with 
perpetual snow, is almost beyond belief. Three hundred 
miles over the giddy verges of yawning quebradas they 
passed in thirteen days. 

The Spaniards had carelessly permitted the patriot army 
to come through the passes without taking the trouble to 
ascertain its strength. They took it for granted that only 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI 267 

cavalry could traverse the mountains within the time spent 
by the army in crossing. Deceived by this, they formed 
for batde, drawn up in a square. As the morningr was 
foggy, it was some time before it was discovered that San 
Martin was upon them with his whole army. 

O'Higgins ordered a charge. The Spanish officers, dis- 
covering their mistake, sought to deploy their men into 
lines ; but the enthusiastic patriot cavalry, led on by Colonel 
Solar, dashed into their ranks and threw them into con- 
fusion. Hardly firing a musket, the royalists followed their 
fleeing commander in a total rout. It had been necessary 
to begin the action at once, for Maroto was advancing with 
reinforcements of 1,200 troops. The victory was import- 
ant ; the cavalry detachment under Colonel Nicochea de- 
scended into the plain from the pass of Tavon, and, falling 
pell-mell upon the royalists, cut them down in their flight, 
which demoralized the whole Spanish army. 

On the 15th of February, 18 17, San Martin, with two 
doubloons in his pocket, no military chest, no stores, no 
medicine or surgeon for his wounded soldiers, entered the 
capital with his wild gauchos and refugees at his back. 
Some there are who say that the general was hailed as the 
Saviour of the country; others affirm that he was greeted 
by few voices, that he was received in sullen silence by the 
natives, and looked upon as an invader by a people who 
had grown tired of patriotic machinations. 

The Spaniards had been defeated because of their over- 
weenino- confidence and imprudence, for Marco and Maroto 
commanded a far superior army to San Martm's, m pomt 
of veteran troops, officers, equipment and discipline. 

A junta was again formed by the leading citizens of San- 
tiago. The office of supreme director was offered to San 
Martin, but he refused it, having his eyes on Peru, where 



268 THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 

the viceroy, Abascal, still maintained his authority. The 
office was then conferred upon General Bernardo O'Hig- 
gins, the government taking about the form it had under 
Lastra, save that the revolution from this time meant com- 
plete independence from Spain. The independence was 
declared and a provisional constitution announced. Chili, 
with the exception of Concepcion, Talcahuano and Valdivia, 
fell during the year completely under the authority of the 
patriots. 

One of the first acts of the new government was to des- 
patch a vessel to the island of Juan Fernandez to bring 
away patriots banished there by Osorio. Then reprisals 
began upon the royalists. 

The energetic Abascal was not long in despatching rein- 
forcements to Chili upon learning the disastrous rout at 
Chacabuco ; this he was now the better enabled to do for 
the reason that he had recently received 3,500 veterans 
from Spain. This was the latter part of November, 181 7. 

Marco del Ponte and Maroto had proven themselves 
inferior generals, and therefore General Osorio was a second 
time appointed to command the royalist army intended for 
operations in Chili. 

San Martin had been making active preparations and 
getting together an army for the purpose of invading Peru, 
when Osorio landed at Talcahuano with his army of 3,400 
veterans. This was an unexpected move on the part of 
the viceroy, who, doubdess, intended by it, not only the 
stamping out of the revolution in Chili, but the protection 
of Peru from invasion by thus striking a decisive blow at 
San Martin before he could get together an army and 
supplies. 

On the I 2th of February, 18 18, the first anniversary of 
the batde of Chacabuco, O'Higgins formally declared the 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 269 

absolute independence of Chili, which had not hitherto 
been clearly manifest. This he did upon his retirement 
from the unsuccessful campaign in the south, and it was in 
the nature of a bold defiance of Osorio. In every city two 
blank books were opened during a period of fifteen days. 
In one of these all the citizens signed who favored absolute 
independence ; in the other those signed who were of the 
contrary opinion. The first books were filled with names ; 
the second, nobody signed. Having consulted public opin- 
ion in this novel manner, O'Higgins solemnly affirmed the 
act as declaratory of the complete independence of Chili. 
The royalist army advanced slowly toward the capital, 
crossing the Maule in the direction of Talca. San Martin 
moved forward from San Fernando on the 13th of March 
with his whole army. He moved to defeat. 

Monteagudo, San Martin's advocate general of the army, 
was the first to reach the capital, on his way to Mendoza, 
and tell of the defeat. Great was the consternation. Pa- 
triots at once began to get together their effects for flight 
to Mendoza. The contents of the public treasury was 
packed ready to load upon mules; the streets of the capital 
were thronged with the equipages of those preparing to 
depart the country; groups of women were everywhere 
wringing their hands in grief and terror. The greatest 
anxiety prevailed, as it was several days before intelligence 
came of the whereabouts of San Martin. He was at San 
Fernando and the right wing of the army, consisting of 
about three thousand men, was with him. The patriots 
were rapidly reorganized and again met the enemy. 

On the afternoon of the 3d of April, 1818, Osorio crossed 
the Maypo and came to the plains, the flanks and rear of 
his army constantly harassed by parties of patriot cavalry. 
Skirmishing was kept up during the afternoon of the 3d 



270 THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 

and all day the 4th. On the 5th the royalist army took up 
a position on the brow of a hill; the famous Spanish Burgos 
regiment occupied the right wing, the Infantos of Don Carlos 
the left, the Peruvian and Concepcion troops the centre. 
Four squadrons of dragoons flanked the right, a body of 
lancers the left, with a battery placed on a hill still farther- 
to the left. The royalist lines were about a mile in length 
and confronted by the patriot ranks. 

The battle began about eleven o'clock by a light cannon- 
ading from the patriot artillery on the right. In an hour 
the action became general. Colonel Blanco Enclada com- 
manded the artillery, and with this met the enemy's left as 
it moved down the hill. A charge was made upon the four 
field-pieces at the left of the royalist lines; these were cap- 
tured and turned against the foe. 

The battle raged most fiercely about a farm-house of the 
Espejo, which place was captured and retaken many times 
during the day. Until near the close of the day the ad- 
vantage seemed to be with Osorio, the centre and one wing 
of his army held the field and the defeat of the patriots 
seemed certain. 

On San Martin's left wing the patriots had been able to 
withstand the Burgos regiment for some time, but the regi- 
ment of negroes stationed there at last became confused; 
four hundred of them were lying dead upon the field. The 
Burgos regiment now attempted to form itself into a square 
for a decisive charge ; this broke the Spanish lines and 
threw them into momentary disorder. Colonel O'Brien, a 
gallant Irishman, commanded here a troop of patriot horse- 
grenadiers. With them he reinforced the reserves under 
General Ouintana, which had been ordered to support this 
wing. Forming rapidly for a charge, O'Brien threw his 
men so furiously upon the forming regiment of the Burgos 




U. S. S. "OREGON" HOLDING OFF SPANISH SQUADRON 




FIGHTING OFF TORPEDO BOATS 



THE REVOLUTION IN CHILI. 



273 



that he dispersed it. This regiment was the flower of 
Osorio's army, and its defeat caused such confusion in the 
ranks, that the patriots were able to press their foe at all 
points. The Burgos troops fled to the Espejo farm-house ; 
Las Heras soon overthrew the left, which also rushed to 
the Espejo. For awhile the action was kept up in the cen- 
tre, but with both wings beaten back, this part of the royal 
army soon gave way and retreated with the rest. The vic- 
tory was decisive ; half of Osorio's troops were killed and 
wounded and the rest taken prisoners ; the patriots lost 
upward of one thousand men. 

Manuel Rodriguez, who had so greatly distinguished 
himself at San Fernando prior to San Martin's marching 
over the mountains, and afterward in the capital after the 
rout of the patriot forces at Talca, was a few days after the 
battle of Maypo placed under arrest, charged with enter- 
taining designs against the government of O'Higgins. He 
was sentenced to banishment, and while on his way to Val- 
paraiso under guard, was shot by a villain named Navarro, 
who commanded the escort. The authorities, whether con- 
niving at this plot or not, were suspected and did not 
escape censure. 

The patriots, it would seem, were not slow in adopting 
Marco del Ponte's methods of raising revenues, both before 
and after the battle of Maypo. Many of the old Spanish 
families were robbed and their property delivered up to 
the public use. Just before the battle of Maypo, it is said 
that more than five millions of dollars' worth of readily con- 
vertible property was seized by the patriot government to 
keep up the military organization, and that subsequent to 
the battle three millions of dollars' worth was taken in the 
same way and for the same purpose. 

A typical scoundel was Bernanides who joined the In- 
16 



274 THE REVOLUTION IN CHILL 

dians, pretending to act under Spanish authority, but was a 
desperado. He disregarded flags of truce, put his prisoners 
to death most barbarously, murdered unoffending settlers, 
burned and sacked cities, intrigued with the Carreras, cap- 
tured British and American vessels, shot the captains and 
imprisoned the crews, equipped a private vessel and sent 
it along the coast with instructions to spare no flag and put 
insurgent crews to death. He was a high-handed free- 
booter, and, having gathered together three thousand men 
in the summer of 182 1, even meditated the capture of 
Santiago and Valparaiso and the conquest of Chili. Colonel 
Joaquin Prieto was despatched against him in the latter 
part of 1 82 1, and completely defeated him on the plains of 
Saldias near Chilian, October 9th. He was then closely 
followed into Araucania by a force under Captain Manuel 
Bulnes. His capital, Arauco, was finally taken and burned 
on the first of February, 1822 ; the bandit himself was 
taken at Topocalma where he had been obliged to put to 
shore in a boat for water, being at this time on his way to 
Peru with his wife and a few companions. Sentence was 
passed upon him February 21st; he was ordered dragged 
from the prison in a pannier, tied to the tail of a mule, 
hanged and his head and hands cut off and placed up on 
high poles. 

Chili won her independence on the field of Maypo, and 
recuperated after the ravages of war with surprising 
rapidity, equipped a navy and cleared their coast of Spanish 
war ships. Thus ChiH took her place among the nations 
of the earth. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERU. 

The Liberators of Chili Aid the Peruvians in Estabhshing Their Independence 
— The United Expedition Designated as the " United Liberating Army 
of Peru" — Capture of the Spanish Yugaie Esiiwralda by the Chihans 
and the Defeat of the Royahsts by the Patriots — San Martin Proclaimed 
Protector of Peru. 

The liberators of Chili, after the battle of Maypo, made 
efforts to aid the capable General San Martin in the inva 
sion of Peru, an enterprise he had long contemplated. 
Hancock says : 

" For two years little had been accomplished save the 
brilliant exploits of Blanco, Encalada and Lord Cochrane 
at sea. Spanish war vessels had been secured and put in 
readiness, Valdivia had been taken ; these achievements 
I cleared the way and enabled the exhausted republics of 

Chili and Buenos Ayres at last conjointly to prepare for 
the final denouement in the struggle for South American 
independence. The government of Chili now became ac- 
tive, and the resources of the country were Industriously 
called forth ; troops were collected and drilled ; the execu- 
tive department was removed to Valparaiso to be able the 
more effectively to co-operate with San Martin and Lord 
Cochrane, the former having repaired there with what troops 
and equipments he had been able to raise at Mendoza, the 
latter from Valdivia with the fleet. 

"The difficulty attending this enterprise was stupendous, 
owing to the poverty of the country. But the unremitting 
efforts of San Martin and Lord Cochrane went far to remove 
all obstacles. The expedition was in readiness by the 15 th 

275 



276 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERL. 



of August, 1820. The navy of Chili was put to active use 
and transports hired for the occasion. On the i8th the 
army marched into Valparaiso, and, superintended by Gen- 
eral Las Heras, embarked from the arsenal. There were 
4,400 men, and a corps of supernumerary officers intended 
for the work of recruiting- in Peru. At Coquimbo five hun- 
dred more troops were taken aboard. Fifteen thousand 
stands of arms, with ammunition, clothing and stores, were 
shipped for the purpose of equipping the patriots of Peru, 
who, it was expected, would revolt and come to San Mar- 
tin's standard. San Martin was named commander-in-chief 
of the troops, who were designated as the " United Liberat- 
ing Army of Peru." The fleet under Lord Cochrane in- 
tended for the transportation of this army, consisted of the 
seven or eight warships of the navy and from fifteen to 
twenty transports. 

" On the 13th of August the chiefs of the liberating army 
had issued a bulletin declaring the purposes of the expedi- 
tion ; that it was to redeem the land in which slavery had 
so long existed, and from whence the latest efforts to op- 
press the whole continent had been made ; to decide whether 
or not the time had arrived when the influence of South 
America upon the rest of the world should be commensurate 
with its extent, its riches and its situation." 

This expedition was really a joint effort to aid the Na- 
tionals of Peru to liberty and independence. The fleet was 
eighteen days on the voyage from Valparaiso to Pisco. 

Four days after, the army was landed ; the Spanish troops 
having previously fallen back upon Lima, where the vice- 
roy intended to concentrate his forces. Colonel Arenales 
was well acquainted with the country and marched with a 
strong detachment of one thousand men into the vicinity 
of Lima, taking up a position east of the city. He was 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERU. 



277 



some time on the way, crossing the Andes by a circuitous 
route, and traversing a country filled with royalists. He 
encountered on the way a strong division of 1,800 of the 
royalist troops under General O'Reilly, which he cut to 
pieces and made prisoners. An armistice was agreed upon 
between San Martin and the viceroy while the liberating 
army was still in Pisco. Eight days were consumed in 
diplomatic efforts made by the viceroy, Pezuela, to compro- 
mise in favor of retaining some of Spain's authority ; but to 
none of these propositions would San Martin agree, nor 
would he consent to do anything short of the independence 
of Peru. 

The army remained at Pisco until October 26, 1820, when 
it was again embarked and arrived off Callao on the 29th. 
Not deeming it advisable to disembark at Callao, which 
was strongly garrisoned, San Martin proceeded to Ancon, 
a port a few miles north of Callao, where he remained a 
few days. 

In the meantime Cochrane planned an attack upon the 
Spanish frigate Esmeralda, lying in the harbor of Callao. 
The harbor was guarded by extensive batteries, and the 
anchorage by a boom made of spars chained together. The 
Esmeralda was moored under the guns of the batteries 
within the boom and surrounded by gunboats. With two 
hundred and forty volunteers from the different ships, com- 
manded in divisions by Captains Guise and Crosbie, the 
attacking force proceeded toward the warship in fourteen 
boats. 

At ten o'clock at night the expedition reached the 
line of gunboats. To the guard's challenge of "Who's 
there ? " Cochrane presented a pistol and gave him the 
alternative of "silence or death." Pushine on, the frio-ate was 
reached and boarded on all sides by the men in the boats. 



2^8 THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERL. 

The Esmeralda's crew sprang up and defended the vessel 
obstinately for several moments, but were finally driven 
into the forecastle, where, after a short resistance, they 
yielded, but only to rally again upon the deck where a mo- 
mentary stand was made. But finally the cables were cut, 
sailors mounted the rigging, and the ship was sailed out of 
the bay under a heavy fire from the batteries. Of the 
Esmeralda s crew one hundred and twenty were killed and 
wounded ; the boarding force lost eleven killed and thirty 
wounded. This action gave the patriot fleet the undisputed 
mastery of the coast. San Martin named the Esmeralda 
Valdivia, in honor of Cochrane, and thenceforth she be- 
came a Chilian vessel. 

Following this action the troops at Ancon were again 
embarked, and on the loth of November landed at Huacho. 
San Martin's headquarters were then established at Huara, 
a place a few miles distant from Huacho, and seventy-five 
miles north of Lima, Lord Cochrane' s brilliant achieve- 
ments had given so much popularity to the patriot cause, 
that, shortly afterward, December 3d, the Numancia regi- 
ment of eight hundred men deserted the viceroy and joined 
San Martin's army. 

Guayaquil and Truxillo declared for the patriot cause, 
which practically gave independence to all Lower Peru, 
save only the capital, and even in the latter the cause of 
the viceroy was daily losing ground. 

With the exception of an advance made to within three 
leagues of the capital, San Martin preferred to maintain 
an inactive and conciliatory policy for the following six 
months, to the great disgust of Lord Cochrane and some 
others of the raore spirited officers. The port of Callao 
was blockaded, by which means the patriots hoped to re- 
duce the inhabitants of the capital to submission by keep- 



77!^^ INDEPENDENCE OF PERL. 279 

ing supplies cut off; in the end this plan had the desired 
result. 

An armistice, which continued two months, had been 
sought by the viceroy, and for the reason that the capital 
was reduced to extremities by a scarcity of provisions. No 
agreement was reached, as San Martin w^ould consent to 
nothing short of complete independence, and it soon be- 
came apparent that the Spaniards were about to abandon 
the capital to the patriots and retire to the interior. On 
the 6th of July, 1821, the royalist authorities did quit the 
city and retire by way of Xauxa to Cuzco ; on the 12th 
San Martin entered, his troops having taken possession the 
night before. 

On the 28th of July, 1821, the independence of Peru was 
proclaimed by San Martin, and "Viva La Patria ! " "Viva 
La Libertad ! " and " Viva San Martin ! " were shouted by 
the people who assembled in the great square to listen to 
San Martin, who spoke to them from an elevated stage. 
The same people were shouting "Viva San Martin" who 
a day or two before had rushed out in a mad rout and 
fright, fearing that the general, if not "El Diablo," as they 
styled Lord Cochrane, was at least an invader who would 
sack the city. 

On the 3d of August, San Martin assumed the reins of 
government, gave himself the title of " Protector of Peru," 
and issued a proclamation, declaring the supreme political 
and military authority vested provisionally in himself, while 
a new government was formed with Juan Garcia del Rio 
as secretary of state, Don Bernardo Monteagudo, minister 
of war, Don Hypolito Unanue, minister of finance. 

Henceforth San Martin held himself no longer an officer 
of Chili, ceased to transmit bulletins to Valparaiso, and 
conducted himself in all respects as though the recognized 



28o THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERL. 

head of an independent state. From this time his opera- 
tions in Peru can hardly be deemed a part of Chilian his- 
tory. 

On the loth of September, the Spanish army under 
General Catatrac returned from the interior, and, marching 
past Lima, entered Callao. San Martin forebore to inter- 
fere with the royalist troops, believing that they would 
but hasten the fall of Callao by diminishing the provisions. 
This proved to be the outcome ; after a short stay, Canta- 
trac withdrew his troops, carrying off the treasure deposited 
in Callao castle and the stronghold was surrendered to the 
patriots. 

The protector remained inactive at Lima until May of 
the following year when he despatched two expeditions 
against the royalists at different places and totally de- 
stroyed ihem. 

Next he directed his attention to obtaining possession of 
Guayaquil, which, with its fine harbor, arsenal, dockyard 
and province, he desired to attach to Peru. General Boli- 
var, in Colombia, was also looking in that direction ; he had 
successfully invaded Quito and was now marching toward 
Guayaquil with the intention of occupying it. San Martin 
was hindered by difficulties at home, and was anticipated 
by General Sucre, who, acting for Bolivar, took possession 
of Guayaquil. San Martin determined to have an inter- 
view with Bolivar, but he got little satisfaction as the latter 
treated him with considerable hauteur. The chiefs were 
brother patriots and liberators, but even patriots may feel 
some degree of jealousy and a spirit of rivalry. 

While San Martin was absent on this diplomatic mission 
the people of Lima forcibly deposed Monteagudo. The 
wily minister, fearing the vengeance of the people, hastened 
aboard a vessel and was conveyed to Panama. The su- 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERL. 28 1 

preme delegate, Torre Tagle, who conducted the affairs of 
the government in the absence of San Martin, supplied the 
place of Monteagudo with a temporary junta; this body 
immediately summoned a national congress, taking advan- 
tage, perhaps, of San Martin's absence. At any rate, the 
protector was deeply chagrined when he returned from the 
north and found a congress holding secret sessions at the 
capital. Surrounded by difficulties with a rival at the north, 
disaffection among the patriots and intrigues among the 
royalists, San Martin on the 20th of September, 1822, re- 
signed his authority in an able and patriotic address. He 
perceived that his day was a thing of the past in Peru, and 
was politic enough to lay down his authority in time. He 
returned to Buenos Ayres, stopping a short time at Val- 
paraiso. In 1823 he sailed for England. He died at Bou- 
logne on the 17th of August, 1850, aged seventy-two years. 
Peru's subsequent efforts to maintain her independence 
were not successful until General Bolivar achieved that 
result in the batde of Xauxa, August 6th, 1824, and finally, 
in the decisive batde of Ayachuco, December 9, 1824. 

The prosecution of war had not prevented O'Higgins 
attending to other interests of the young republic of Chili. 
He restored the public library in Santiago and the national 
university which had been suppressed by the royalists; he 
created a military academy, prohibited the unhealthy prac- 
tice of burying the dead in the churches, founded the first 
cemeteries, constructed markets and boulevards {paseos), 
particularly the paseos in the Canada of Santiago, which 
until then were filled with rubbish. He gave freedom of 
commerce which led to a new impetus in trade, protected 
foreigners and promoted agricultural interests. The ancient 
Maypo canal was completed, and the water obtained from 
this for irrigating purposes made green fields of the sterile 



282 THE INDEPENDENCE OF PERU. 

plains. Don Domingo Eyzaguirre engaged actively in 
promoting the completion of this work, and afterward 
founded a town upon the plain which he called Bernardo 
in honor of O'Higgins. 

O'Higgins managed Chili fairly well with the slender 
means at his disposal, for the revenues of the State were small 
and inadequate. In the last year of his administration it was 
found necessary to negotiate a loan in London of ^5,000,- 
000, and Don Antonio Jose de Irizarri was sent there for 
that purpose. He obtained the money and thus began 
Chili's foreign debt. In effect, Bernardo O'Higgins was 
absolute king of Chili, governing without a constitution, 
laws or congress, though he himself desired the formation 
of a federation with a constitution. Despite his splendid 
services to the state his dictatorial position retarded the 
organization of a constitutional government. There was 
opposition to this centralized form of government, but while 
the war lasted O'Higgins was able to keep the power, aided 
by the active influence of San Martin, the army, and in- 
triguers who do not reflect much credit upon their superiors. 
The Carreras and Manuel Rodriguez fell victims to these 
intrigues, but in the end the advocates of constitutional and 
representative government forced O'Higgins to abdicate. 

General O'Higgins was given an estate by the Peruvian 
government ; there he passed the remainder of his days, 
dying at Lima in 1 842, eight years before San Martin died 
in France. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 

How De Francia Became Dictator of Paraguay — Paraguay the First South 
American State to Declare its Entire and Absolute Independence — The 
Declaration of Independence. 

The famous De Francia, who became the Dictator of 
Paraguay when ceasing to be a dependency of Spain, took 
no part in the revolution and was not a politician before 
he gained power. Washburn's "History of Paraguay" 
characterizes him in these terms : 

" His inordinate vanity had been continually chafed at 
seeing the Spaniards holding most of the more important 
and responsible offices, while he, the star-gazer, who could 
read French, and could solve a problem in algebra, and 
had even gone as far in geometry as the pons asinorzim, 
had never risen above a simple alcalde or municipal judge. 
H-e had been opposed to the revolution in Buenos Ayres." 

Dr. Smollers speaking of the way Francia became a 
member of the junta, says : 

" I proposed a junta of three, and that Cabellero should 
be the president until the arrival of Fulgencio Yegros, 
whose brother Tomas was charged to make public this act, 
and I proposed that Dr. Francia should be one of this junta. 
He was the only Paraguayan that could direct them. My 
proposal was generally reprobated ; the officers knew he 
had been opposed to the revolution in Buenos Ayres; but 
I, who in a meeting called by Velasco the year before, had 
heard him express the opinion that the Spanish govern- 
ment had fallen, tried to persuade these officials of their 

283 



284 '^^^ INDEPENDENCE OF PAR AG LAY. 

mistake, and in support of my opinion I referred to the 
Padre Fernando Caballero, a pious Franciscan, respected 
for his age and for the ecclesiastical sway that he held with 
his order. He was in Buenos Ayres the 25th of May (the 
day of the revolution there), after that he came to Asun- 
cion, and had advocated the justice of the cause ; most of 
the revolutionary officials knew him, and had conferred with 
him. His judgment upon the part to which Dr. Francia 
was inclined, notwithstanding the relationship that existed 
between him and the doctor, would suffice to remove their 
doubts, and I proposed that we should consult the Padre 
Caballero. They agreed with me, and I arranged that he 
should come to their quarters. Whilst awaiting the arrival 
of Padre Caballero, that part of the work directed to the 
government junta at Buenos Ayres was attended to, and 
Don Jose de Maria was ordered to prepare to start in the 
morning for Corrientes in a canoe, as soon as the projected 
junta should be formed. It was at this moment when Padre 
Caballero arrived, and he then gave in expressive terms 
his felicitations to the revolutionists. I impressed upon 
him what we thought of doing and spoke of the little se- 
curity we had in regard to the views of Dr. Francia. His 
answer was : ' I answer with my blood for the views (jnodo 
de p-iisai') of my sobrino (nephew) Caspar.' This tran- 
quilized the officials, and they agreed that the place which 
I had proposed should be given to Dr. Francia. He was 
then in his country house at Ibrai, some four leagues dis- 
tant from the capital, where he had established his residence 
a year before. I had not seen him since June of the pre- 
vious year. So I wrote a brief note to Francia, giving him 
notice of what was done, and I called upon him with urgency 
that he should take the direction of affairs. I hastened the 
coming of Francia, because all my desire was to free my- 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 285 

self from the compromises I had made, and return with my 
family to Buenos Ayres. At eight in the morning of the 
15th of May, Dr. Francia had arrived at the cuarteL I in- 
formed him quickly of what had transpired, and of the 
state in which the business was, and of the despatch of a 
messenger to Buenos Ayres." 

Thus Francia was named a member of the first junta, 
for the reason that he alone of all the Paraguayans in 
Asuncion had sufficient education and knowledge of forms 
to organize into working order the improvised government. 
Somellera was a foreigner, and, besides, he wished to return 
to his home in Buenos Ayres. There was one other man 
in the country deemed fit for the task. Dr. Don Jose M. 
Baiz, who was not obnoxious to the suspicion of being op- 
posed to the revolution; but he was a son-in-law of Espinola, 
the detested confidant and agent of Velasco's predecessor 
in the governorship, and the same who had been so un- 
wisely sent by the Junta at Buenos Ayres to persuade the 
Paraguayans to follow their example. But a greater, and 
indeed an insuperable, objection to making him a member 
of the junta, instead of Francia, was the fact that he was 
not at the moment in the capital. He was in Concepcion, 
some three hundred miles away, and there was no time to 
be lost. Francia was accordingly called in, and the Junta 
was made up. The first act was to call a Congress, which 
was done on the following day, the i6th of May. This 
Congress could have little formality and less authority, and 
was composed of such persons as were invited by the junta, 
of which Francia was the scribe and working member to 
attend ; and it was called only to determine the form and 
character of the new government. This Congress, or, as 
it might more properly be called, informal assembly, met on 
the 17th of June, and adjourned on the 20th, during which 




SPANISH COLONIES ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 
The dark portion gives the extent of Spanish possessions in America. 




THE SPANISH COLONIES TO-DAY. 
The small dark portions (Cuba and Porto K.co) show Spanish possessions in America. 



287 



288 THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 

time a plan of government that had been prepared by 
Francia was submitted, and of course approved. Accord- 
ino- to this plan, the junta was to consist of five members, 
including a secretary. Yegros was named president, and 
the other members were the commander of the troops, 
Caballero, a priest by the name of Bogardin, Dr. Francia 
and Don Fernando Mora. The last was named secre- 
tary. The term of their authority was limited to five 
years. 

This Congress issued a declaration of independence, 
which independence the country has maintained ever since. 
Buenos Ayres, though it had deposed the Viceroy and set 
up a government of its own, was yet looking for a sovereign 
to be sent to it from Europe. Paraguay was accordingly 
the first of the South American States to declare its entire 
and absolute independence. The declaration was to this 
effect : 

" I St. That Paraguay should govern itself without inter- 
vention from Buenos Ayres, proclaiming by that act the 
Paraguayan independence. 

"2d. That, notwithstanding, it should preserve good rela- 
tions with that province and send deputies to the general 
Congress. 

" 3d. That the custom-house duties should be regularly 
administered, and that the monopoly of tobacco should be 
suppressed. 

" 4th. That in no case should the laws or resolutions of 
the Congress of Buenos Ayres be binding on Paraguay, 
without being first approved by the Paraguayan general 
assembly." 

This declaration, with such scanty outlines of organic law, 
having been approved by the Congress, it adjourned. 
Everything had been done conformably with Francia's sug- 




ASCENSION OF A WAR BALLOON. 



777^ INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 29 1 

gestions, and thus the government was inaugurated. Dr. 
Somellera's narrative continues : 

" On the evening of the day of the adjournment of Con- 
gress the aspect of affairs was changed. Francia had 
labored with his colleagues, and already the proposed jour- 
ney of Don Jose de Maria to Buenos Ayres was reconsid- 
ered, and it was determined that Don Jose Tomas Yegros 
should go in the character of envoy to represent the Junta 
as soon as all should be arranged; then I began to observe 
a certain briskness {despejo) in Francia. From my first 
arrival in Paraguay we had treated each other with frank- 
ness and friendship. During the years 1808 and 1809 he 
had visited me daily. In the former of these years he had 
been alcalde of the first grade, and in the latter I had 
labored that he might be ^-^m^^ sindico procurador (state 
attorney), and I tried to persuade him to accept the office. 
We crave each other the tide of companero, from havmg 
been'^educated, both of us, in the college of Monserrat in 
Cordova. This evening I wondered at the ceremony with 
which he treated me; but I never suspected the extremity 
to which matters had arrived. On the morning of the i6th. 
Caballero sent to call me ; I found him with Iturbe and 
other officers ; Francia had retired to his house ; the call 
of Caballero was to give me a satisfactory explanation for 
the detention of the despatch to Buenos Ayres as had been 
agreed upon at daylight the morning before. A litde later 
F^'rancia returned, and he could not dissemble his displeasure 
at seeing me there with the officers. We went on telling 
some anecdotes of the night of the 14th that pleased Francia. 
At my retiring, he spoke to me very particularly. We 
crossed over the yard to the door of the cuartel, and in this 
transit he told me it was necessary that each one should 
serve his country; that I had not failed in Paraguay, and 
17 



292 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 



would be of much service in my own country. I answered 
him that for what I had done in these times all was with the 
same idea, and that I thought of going to Buenos Ayres 
with my family as soon as the river should be free. This 
innuendo worked, as it was intended, its effects. I did not 
return to enter the cuartel for a month, when I was carried 
there. I tried to isolate myself, notwithstanding which some 
of the officers visited me; they did not know the evil they 
were doing me." 

None but the officers, however, were permitted to see 
him. He was shut up in a small room by himself, and not 
allowed to communicate wath his family. Washburn says : 

"This was the treatment that Somellera received at the 
hartds of Francia so soon as he had the power to inflict it. 
Being a man of intelligence, the people might in their ex- 
tremities look to him for counsel and advice, and this would 
interfere with Francia's plans for immediate and absolute 
power. He was, therefore, put out of the way. But he 
was not alone in receiving such flattering attentions from 
Francia. 

"In the same cuartel," Somorella adds, "the members of 
the cabildo that had been displaced by the revolution were 
also prisoners. This was one of the things that mortified me 
most, to see myself a prisoner with those over whom I had 
just triumphed, and shut up with them in the very place of 
triumph." 

Of the native people Washburn says the most intelli- 
gent of them "were mere children in all matters of a poli- 
tical character. They knew little but implicit obedience, 
and never having had any contact with other people or 
other nations, they were just in a fit condition to become 
the willincT tools of the strono-est man that should arise 
among themselves. Had they gained their independence 



THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 293 

after a long struggle with a foreign enemy, the war must 
have brought out some men of courage and capacity, and 
have given the common people an idea that there might be 
a power independent of, and apart from the central govern- 
ment at Asuncion. The revolution itself was the work of 
a foreigner. He knew that the people were tired of paying 
tribute'' to Spain, and that, once the government being 
changed, they would pay the same respect and deference 
to the new one as to the old. But how to organize a gov- 
ernment on a new plan out of the materials at hand was the 
difficulty that presented itself to Dr. Somellera, after he had 
succeeded in the overthrow of his chief, Governor Velasco. 
With no disposition to violence, the people, from the utter 
lack of all practical knowledge, were on a sea of anarchy. 
As the deposed governor had been exceedingly popular, 
there was no feeling of resentment towards anybody in 
the country. Somellera, as a matter of necessity, took 
the initiatory steps toward establishing some sort of author- 
ity, and appears to have followed the course that had been 
taken in Buenos Ayres. This was to establish a junta. 
The only real power now left in the capital was in the hands 
of the military, of which Caballero was military commander. 
It was with his connivance that Somellera effected the revo- 
lution, and he was named for president of the junta. Som- 
ellera himself seems to have had no personal ambition to 
gratify, and to have been actuated solely by a desire to see 
tiie country liberated. He has himself given an account 
of the part he took at that critical time, in a review that he 
wrote of the work of Rengger and Longchamp. In this 
review, which he professes is to correct some errors into 
which the Swiss doctors had fallen by receiving Dr. Fran- 
cia's own words as true, he gives from his own knowledge 
the history of those times which both Rengger and Robert- 



204 THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARAGUAY. 

son received at second-hand. He severely criticises many 
of the statements of Dr. Rengger, and, though giving him 
credit for a sincere intention to tell the exact truth, he 
believes that his book is altogether too favorable to 
Francia." 

Questions are always raised about a people struggling to 
be free by those who are of the opinion that they are in 
the enjoyment of free government and themselves the 
governors, whether they are capable of governing them- 
selves. There are no people who are not better capable 
of self-government than others are of governing them. 
Washburn says: "The independence of Paraguay had 
been achieved too easily ; the people were unfit to form a 
government for themselves, after having thrown off one 
that greatly oppressed them." It is true, doubtless, that 
strength is found in suffering. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA IN OUR WAR WITH MEXICO. 

The Honor of the Arms of Mexico. — Mexican Account of Buena Vista. — A 
Splendidly Told Story That Gives the American Troops Full Credit. — 
Santa Anna's Terrible Retreat. 

In no war, not even in the great war of the Sections and 
States of the United States, did American valor shine more 
brilliantly, and was the capacity of our commanders more 
in evidence, than in the war with Mexico, which began on 
the Rio Grande and was ended at the City of Mexico. The 
habit of our historians of disparaging the Mexican soldiery 
and discrediting the capacity of Santa Anna, because he 
was made a prisoner of war in Texas, has diminished un-= 
fairly and most unwisely the credit due our small armies 
and their great leaders, for their splendid and surprising 
achievements. 

The Mexican armies did not lose honor, though they suf- 
fered defeat at Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo, to say noth- 
ing of Cherubusco, Contreras and Chapultepec. The glory 
won by American soldiers is only enhanced by the conces- 
sion, according to the truth of history, of the manly qualities 
of the enemy they overcame, and those enemies are now 
our friends and co-operate with us in good works and com- 
pete with us in progressive civilization. It is not only due 
to historical truth, but it is consonant with American states- 
manship of Continental bearing, to give the Mexicans due 
consideration for the vigor and fortitude with which they 
resisted us at Monterey and Vera Cruz, in the midst of the 
mountains and at the gates of the City of Mexico. 

295 



296 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



General Scott, charged with a direct movement upon the 
Mexican capital, drew from General Taylor, whose base 
was on the Rio Grande; and Santa Anna advanced, expect- 
ing to crush Taylor, hoping to beat him conclusively and, 
returning, to check Scott. His movement was excellently 
planned, but failed of execution, largely owing to the hard- 
ships of the Mexican army in its arduous advance that was 
halted at Buena Vista. In a Mexican account of this move- 
ment there is this striking picture, worthy of memory. 

" The night was passed in the gate of Carnero. There 
were the light corps, the Hussars, and the other troops in 
the midst of a plantation of palm trees. ' In the night,' 
relates an eye-witness in a periodical of the capital, ' the 
cold was intense, beyond description, and the army shiver- 
ing, by an instinct almost of desperation set fire to different 
points in the groves of palms. The flame increased its 
volume, and an ocean of fire suddenly sprang up with its 
awful waves in the midst of the heavens. The spectacle 
was imposing and sublime. By the light the soldiers were 
seen half dead with cold, looking like an army of lifeless 
bodies.' 

" On the 2 2d the march was resumed. General Santa 
Anna on horseback presented himself to the troops and 
aroused their spirits. He proceeded to the advance guard, 
whose enthusiasm was at the highest pitch. Information 
was soon received that the Americans, who it was believed 
would defend the post of Aguanueva, had abandoned that 
hacienda, after having given it to the flames. 

" As soon as Santa Anna had become certain of this fact, 
he rode hastily to Aguanueva with his staff and the Hussars. 
Having come there, he resolved at once to follow up the 
enemy, and ordered the cavalry to the front. They imme- 
diately obeyed, and while the divisions of the infantry halted 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA ITSTA. 



297 



to provide themselves with water, the cavalry passed with- 
out one man stopping to drink a drop. aUhough all were 
fatigued, without food and burning with thirst. In passing 
the hacienda they turned their wistful looks to the well 
which reanimated, with its crystal waters; but submissive to 
the voice of duty, they went on together without leaving 
the ranks." 

This showed devotion and discipline, but was not a good 
preparation for battle. The fortunes of the day might have 
been changed if the cavalry rushing to combat, with the 
hardest work before them, had paused to partake of the 
" Crystal Waters." 

" A little further on they came up with the enemy on the 
field of battle, known by the name of the Angostura.'^ The 
ground which had to be passed over was formed of exten- 
sive and broad plains, in which it would not have been pos- 
sible to resist the vigorous attack of our troops, especially 
of our invincible cavalry. But where the enemy had halted 
to give battle, two successive series of hills and barrancas 
began, which formed a position truly formidable. Each 
hill was fortified with a battery, and ready to deal its mur- 
derous fire upon any attempting to take it. The position 
presenting serious obstacles to an attack manifested very 
plainly that for the Mexicans to gain a victory they would 
have to sustain a heavy loss in men. 

As soon as the cavalry arrived at Encantada, where they 
came in contact with the enemy, the firing of light arms 
commenced. The general-in-chief immediately ordered the 
infantry to accelerate their speed by marching in double- 
quick time. When this was effected, notwithstanding the 
troops being exhausted, they were pushed forward to the 
Angostura, which thus made the day's tramp in all some 

* The Mexican name for Buena Vista. 



2g8 THE BATTLE OF EVEN A VISTA. 

twelve leagues. The fatigue alone killed several soldiers, 
who remained stretched upon the road. When the infantry 
came up, the brigade of General Mejia took a position to 
the left in the cornfields, and was supported by a corps of 
cavalry. The remainder of the infantry being placed upon 
the right, formed in two lines, with sufficient reserves and 
batteries. The brigade of cavalry were halted in the rear. 

"The General-in-chief directed Ampudia to occupy, with 
the light corps, a mountain that had remained abandoned 
on our right, and which was extremely important to decid- 
ing the action. These troops moved toward the position, 
and General Taylor at the same time perceived the mistake 
he had made. In order to retrieve his error, he sent a re- 
spectable force in the same direction in hopes to anticipate 
our reaching the point. The two divisions approached each 
other, and knowing that the occupation of the mountain 
would not now be an easy undertaking, and that it would 
belong to the victor, they opened their fire and joined in a 
fierce struggle. Besides the opposition of the enemy, this 
eminence in itself presented weighty obstacles. The ascent 
was almost perpendicular, and consequently to take the 
position presented painful difficulties, making it necessary 
to adopt a thousand expedients to overcome them." 

The action was prolonged with animation, and when the 
night had completely closed in, the result was still very 
doubtful. The light corps fought courageously, and the 
other part of the army, simply spectators of the battle, fol- 
lowed with their eyes, the direction of the fires, anxious be- 
tween doubt and hope. " As soon as it was dark," con- 
tinues the account before quoted, " the scene was magnifi- 
cent. A cloud of fire was seen, in fact, floating in the skies, 
which increased or diminished as the enemy gained or lost 
ground." At last the Americans gave way, their soldiers 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



299 



retreated, and ours scaled a summit as desperately defended 
as intrepidly won. 

" For the balance of the night they bivouacked in front of 
the enemy. It had rained, the cold was intense, and to 
make fires was not proper, as all lights had been prohibited 
in the camp. The greater portion of the army awaited the 
action, indifferent and tranquil, as if death were not ringing 
in sounds about their heads. Meanwhile some officers 
watched, oppressed with reflections which prevail on the 
eve of a great battle. 

" The 23d commenced, and the first dawn of that ever 
memorable day was saluted by martial strains from all the 
corps. General Santa Anna was now on his horse giving 
directions. The fire of the cannon opened and the troops 
took their positions, and the brigade of General Mejia 
passed from the left to the right of the road. The battle 
soon after became general, and as there was no time to pre- 
pare food, the soldiers fought all day without eating. 

" The action began at the mountain gained in the evening, 
where the enemy now contended with our light corps with- 
out success. Between seven and eight in the morning the 
General-in-chief gave the order to charge. All the troops 
now advanced, moving in a parallel line of battle. Along 
the road moved forward, a column under the orders of 
General Blanco (D. Santiago), composed of the battalions 
of sappers, the mixed troops of Tampico, and the Fijo de 
Mexico, their left being supported by the Hussars. To the 
right of this column was the division of Lombardini, forming 
the centre, and at his side was that of Pacheco. A little 
further back still to the right, serving as a reserve, followed 
that of General Ortega. General Ampudia, with the light 
corps, reinforced by the Fourth of the line, continued fighting 
with the American force at the foot of the mountain. 



-QO THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 

" The line of the enemy was obHque, therefore, when our 
army marched in Hne parallel, as we have said, the column 
on the road received a destructive fire from cannon, while 
the other divisions were yet distant from the Americans. 
However, it was not disconcerted, and the soldiers fearlessly 
rushed forward, closing up the gaps which the balls opened 
in their ranks, with musket to the shoulder, and desiring to 
come to the bayonet to avenge their slain comrades, sacri- 
ficed with impunity. But General Santa Anna perceiving 
the slaughter ordered a halt, sheltering them behind a slight 
undulation which shut out the enemy's fire. 

" In the meanwhile the divisions of Lombardini and Pa- 
checo had debouched and were at the points contested. 
When the action began Lombardini received a dangerous 
wound which caused him to retire, and the command de- 
volved upon General Perez. The troops of General Pa- 
checo, almost entirely raw recruits, were shaken and soon 
drew back, pressed by the unerring fire which they received 
in the front, and a fierce attack in their flank which 
effectually threw them into disorder. The dispersion was 
general. In vain Pacheco, with a valor worthy of eulogy, 
endeavored to hold his men, who never halted until they 
reached the last ranks. The enemy, desirous of improving 
their advantage, hastened to complete the victory and ad- 
vanced with intrepidity. But the division of General Perez 
calmly and steadily made a change of front to the right, and 
obliged them to retire. This skillful movement was sec- 
onded by a battery of eight, of which Captain Ballarta had 
charge, and which Santa Anna had placed under the orders 
of the serene General Michaeltorena. The fire from these 
pieces occasioned a considerable loss to the Americans. 
Each discharge was effective from the short distance at 
which they fought, being only that of a small hill. The 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



301 



enemy who had dreamed for a moment of victory retired 
routed, leaving the field covered with bodies, the brave 
mixed up on both sides who had fallen in this bloody con- 
flict. 

" The ardor had been great with all who had been engaged. 
Now our soldiers, ascending the hill, charged with the bayo- 
net, now descending the barranca closed with the enemy, 
and again climbing up without ceasing to fight, and again 
turned like an avalanche from above headlong to the bot- 
tom. Thus they gained and lost ground, and thus at last 
they remained masters of the place, achieved by such heroic 
efforts. The triumph would at that instant have been com- 
plete if the cavalry had been at hand to dash upon the broken 
remains of the conquered forces. Unfortunately, this was 
at a distance, and when it came up it met them already 
re-formed. But it charged with boldness under the direction 
of the valiant General Juvera. All did their duty, and 
General D. Angel Guzman, colonel of the regiment of 
Morelia, distinguished himself in a special manner, pursuing 
the enemy to the hacienda of Buena Vista. Part of the 
cavalry followed so far in the chase that to return to our 
camp they had to take the rear of Taylor's troops and pass 
out by the left of the position. 

" In the first battle, to which we have referred, the Mexi- 
cans had conquered. But the advantages which the ground 
afforded to the enemy required continued efforts, and not 
one victory, but many. Rallying the troops upon the top 
of a hill, they at once re-formed them, and it was necessary to 
proceed by taking hill after hill. The column which we had 
left upon the road, sheltered by the unevenness of the ground, 
came now to form the reserve of the line. Our troops ad- 
vanced in good order ; the battery of General Michael- 
torena alone, which played upon our side, destroyed the 



302 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



enemy, and it came to the bayonet, with the soldiers fight- 
ing hand-to-hand. For the second time our brave men 
conquered. The Americans ralhed on the next hill-top, 
leaving for a trophy one piece of cannon and three flags. 

" At this time some persons, for a parley, presented them- 
selves to theGeneral-in-chief, intimating for him to surrender. 
Santa Anna answered with dignity, and refused to accede 
to so original a request. We should have passed over this' 
incident in silence, as unimportant, if it were not for the 
fact that the envoy of this parley communicated that Gene- 
ral Taylor was under the impression that Santa Anna had 
sent another to him, and that officer has so certified in his 
official report. To clear up the affair, we will explain in 
what this mistake consisted. 

" At the second charge of our troops, a lieutenant, D. 
Jose Maria Montoya, who was in the front rank, became 
mixed up with the Americans. Seeing himself alone, and 
not desiring to be killed or taken prisoner, he availed him- 
self of a stratagem to feign a parley, whereby he was 
carried into the presence of General Taylor. This was 
followed by his returning to our camp accompanied by two 
officers of their army, to have an interview with General 
Santa Anna. But Montoya, who had his reasons for not 
presenting himself, separated from the commissioners, who 
fulfilled their instructions." * 

* This personal anecdote does not embellish the text, nor does it seem to 
have been introduced for that purpose, but only to create the impression that 
Santa Anna had not summoned Taylor to surrender, but that Taylor had, on 
the contrary, summoned him. On the 22d at ii o'clock in the morning the 
American General received a written communication from Santa Anna inform- 
ing him that he was surrounded by 20,000 Mexican troops, and demanding him 
to surrender. This note was soon after answered in another declining to do so, 
and which was carried to the Mexican headquarters. The correspondence is 
still preserved among the official papers of the American staff. 

The story of Jose Montoya may be true in substance, for Taylor on the 23d 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



303 



"After the second combat, which was in the morning 
between ten and eleven, a Hght drizzHng rain fell. Our 
troops now took some rest and at twelve returned to 
march again upon the positions of the enemy. The sap- 
pers and other corps who were in reserve having, at this 
time, already turned to engage in the battle, General 
Taylor believed our left was weak. He therefore advanced 
some forces in that direction, who met with an unconquer- 
able resistance. The brigade of Torrejon charged upon 
them, and they lost many officers and soldiers. The action 
became general ; our line advanced ; the light corps, who 
in the course of the battle had made the troops which they 
met give way, were now at the very extreme end of the 
brow of a hill, closed with the enemy. Again the affray 
became desperate, the dead and wounded increased on 
both sides ; the one attacked gallantly, the other defended 
bravely; none yielded; the combat was prolonged for whole 
hours, and at the end, only after unheard-of efforts, did they 
succeed in forcing the enemy to their last position. Two 
more of their pieces and a field forge fell into our hands. 

did receive a verbal message from the Mexicans, purporting to come from their 
headquarters. He, therefore, sent General Wool to learn what was wanted, and 
stopped firing, but that officer, as General Taylor says, " upon reaching the 
Mexican lines could not cause the enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly 
returned without having an interview." 

Montoya is a young man of excellent manners, of some scientific acquire- 
ments, of good character, and conversant with the French, but not the English 
language. He is now employed in the office of topography and statistics in 
the war department of Mexico. There are many reasons for believing his 
statement to be veracious. Yet no one will imagine that a summons for a sur- 
render to General Taylor was absurdly answered by the same demand in 
return being made of Santa Anna. The whole subject of the text is to insin- 
uate the belief that the respective forces were so nearly equal in numbers, that 
the American General entered the action flushed with the most sanguine antici- 
pations. 

General Taylor had no more thought of summoning Santa Annate surrender 
than he had of sendmg him a challenge to single combat. 



304 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



"At this time there came on a heavy shower of rain, 
and the troops, dead with fatigue, hahed. Taylor, having 
tenaciously receded from hill to hill and losing each, after 
an obstinate resistance, prepared to make his final stand 
before yielding the palm of victory. But the battle had 
ceased ; the charge feebly made was the last stroke of our 
forces. The enemy did not believe themselves routed, for 
so well had they lost their positions, except one, which 
was sufficient still to present a hostile attitude, that they 
feigned the glory of having conquered. On our part the 
army was proclaimed victorious, alleging in proof the 
trophies captured, the positions taken, and the divisions 
vanquished. The truth is, our arms routed the Americans 
in all the encounters, and so far the issue of the battle was 
favorable to us. There had been three partial triumphs, 
but not a complete victory. 

" We have done no more than to explain the movements 
of the army as a whole, omitting strokes of valor and pa- 
triotism, which could not be inserted in this narrative. 
Upon the whole, however, we must say in general, that to 
the many persons whose conduct has been eulogized with 
justice, there are more who merit equally the estimation of 
their fellow-citizens. It was seen that various chiefs of 
corps took their flags in hand, led on their soldiers to ac- 
tion, and occupied the posts of the greatest danger. The 
officers behaved with dignity and proper deportment. The 
valor of the troops has extorted praise, even from the very 
enemy, who have only spoken ill of some generals, alleging 
that if all had imitated the example of the subordinates, 
the issue of the battle would have been decided in our 
favor. 

" General Santa Anna has not been embraced in this ac- 
cusation. Friends and enemies have recognized the valor 



THE BATTLE OF BVENA VISTA. 305 

with which he constantly braved the fire. It is to be re- 
gretted his combinations did not correspond with his 
gallantry, that his errors dim the splendor of his merits, 
and that while it is painful to blame his conduct as a gen- 
eral, it is also pleasing to praise his courage as a soldier. 

" The battle of Angostura had ended. The columns, 
masters of the field of action, received the unexpected 
order to stop fighting and retire at sundown to Aguanueva. 
There they met with provisions and supplies so much 
needed, and which were wanting in the place where they 
had fought. The drawing off commenced with the artil- 
lery, trains and wagons, followed by the different brigades 
and corps. General Torrejon, with the third brigade, com- 
posed of the 3d, 7th, and 8th regiments, and the active of 
Guanajuato, remained, charged with the duty of passing 
the night on the field and of making fires over the whole 
extent to deceive the enemy. 

" Our soldiers had displayed a valor worthy of a better 
fate ; they had rushed boldly upon the enemy, crossing 
barrancas, ascending hills, and throwing themselves on the 
American batteries, which swept their ranks. They had 
fallen killed, or wounded, and with their last breath had 
shouted ' Viva Republica.' Thus fighting in a cause less 
just, were those men endeared to the grand army, which 
the captain of the age commanded, who, falling in battle, 
sent forth in their agony no other cries than ' Vive la 
France,' ' Vive I'Empereur.' 

" Those whose wounds were slight were carried half a 
league from the battlefield, and there, with the pure atmos- 
phere, with some few appliances, and with limited and in- 
sufficient medical supplies, cures were effected. Such 
was the surgical hospital, in which might be seen the 
chiefs of the highest distinction and rank down to the most 



3o6 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



miserable soldiers. These unfortunates had not learned 
even the fate reserved for them ; they did not know that 
death would have been for many a less mournful evil and 
an enviable destiny. 

" In taking the road for Aguanueva a scene of horror 
was presented which moved the hearts of those who had 
braved danger with serenity during the most critical mo- 
ments of the combat. The wounded were upwards of 800 
in number, and the means of transportation at their dis- 
posal were too few to permit all being removed. It was im- 
perative, therefore, to leave a portion to their unhappy 
fate. These men, abandoned on a desert, steeped in their 
blood, shivering with cold, parched with thirst, without 
medical stores, without shelter, without food, saw their 
companions disappear, bearing with them all life and hope ; 
and then was depicted on their livid countenances the 
appalling calmness of despair. In sight, already, might be 
viewed the jackals and dogs, who waited for the moment 
when they might begin their frightful banquet. Those 
who, more fortunate, could escape the horror of that night, 
had, in the future, one less cruel. They counted upon the 
sympathy of the enemy, and it is due to justice to say that 
they complied with the laws of war and the dictates of hu- 
manity. 

" On our side, they who had retired could not but feel a 
vivid grief for the wounded who had been abandoned. 
Many saw among them relations and friends from whom 
they were separating forever, and without the power more- 
over of paying them the last tribute of affection, leaving 
the buzzards to gorge upon their dead bodies. To com- 
plete the catalogue of misfortunes, this was not the last 
pain suffered on the night of the 25th, and which will fill a 
page of woe in our military festivals. 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



309 



" The retreat had begun at sundown, but the army, 
which now formed a confused mass, marched slowly, the 
brigades embarrassing each other, and advancing with diffi- 
culty. Although the battle ground was not more than 
four leagues distant from Aguanueva, the advance only 
reached there at ten o'clock at night. This hacienda which 
the Americans, on retiring, had fired, even now was burn- 
ing when our troops returned. On one side of the road 
was a slimy, stagnant pond, into which the soldiers plunged, 
dying with thirst. But the water, instead of refreshing, 
only served to open the grave ; since scarcely had they 
tasted it, when they expired in frightful convulsions. The 
few wounded who had got back to this place, and many 
who came worn out, but not hurt, died in this manner, 
and their blood, mixing with the scum upon the pool made 
the drinking intolerable. Yet there was no water to ap- 
pease the burning thirst of the troops, and there were not 
wanting, some, who touched their lips with this unclean, dis- 
gusting, and baneful liquid. 

" Soon the sight of the dead bodies, the death rattle of 
the dying, the moaning of the wounded, and the cursing of 
all, added new griefs to the spirits already sad with so 
many sufferings. The spectacle presented to view infused 
the most painful misery; the walking over the dead, and the 
trampling upon those who had not yet breathed their last." 

This is a most interesting account of the famous battle. 
Few Americans have seen a Mexican account of the com- 
bat. The testimony of the historian we quote is as flatter- 
ing to the quality of our soldiers, as we could wish, and the 
fact that the Mexicans fought well was long since conceded, 
but rarely, if ever, related so effectively as here. The 
Story of the Retreat shows the extent of the American vic- 
tory and the Mexican misfortune. 
18 



^IQ THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 

The retreat of the Mexican army is told with picturesque 
effect by Albert Ramsey, from Mexican accounts. 

" The wagons and trains blocked up the road, the pack 
animals stumbled at every step. The saddle horses and 
draught mules, fatigued, and without anything to eat, could 
scarely move. All was confusion, all wretched, and all en- 
during privations. At least, on the field of battle, the 
night, with its protecting shades, covered half the disasters; 
but in Aguanueva the picture of horror of the retreat was 
revealed in all its deformity, illuminated by the reddish 
glare of the burning pile, which mingled with the pale rays 
of the yellow and cheerless moon. At dawn of day on the 
24th the call beat ; that warlike sound reanimated the 
troops, dissipating the depression on their minds in seeing 
how few had survived their toils and labors. The review 
which was ordered exhibited the immense loss of the army, 
caused not so much by those who fell in action, as by the 
dispersion of the night ; a dispersion which continued on 
the subsequent days." 

Presently there was reorganization, and while this was 
being done, three American officers arrived, in the character 
of commissioners. Conducted into the presence of the 
General-in-chief, they explained that our wounded had 
been collected and sent to Saltillo, where they would receive 
careful attention. They made, in the name of General 
Taylor, a high-flown eulogium upon the valor displayed by 
our troops in battle, and offered refreshments and provi- 
sions, which we knew were scarce in camp. They proposed 
ultimately an agreement for the suspension of arms and for 
terminating the differences existing between the two 
nations. General Santa Anna answered, and thanked 
them for what was due, such as the meritorious deportment 
observed to the wounded, as well as for the generous offer 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 311 

they had made ; but he could not entertain the proposition, 
let alone enter into a convention, not being authorized by 
the Government, and, moreover, it was impossible while 
the territory was not free and occupied by the American 
forces. 

In the course of the interview the General himself directed 
that, instead of the commissioners leaving the camp with 
their eyes bandaged, in conformity with established usages 
in such cases, they might pass before the army, observe its 
condition, and even review it if they wished. His object 
was to convince them with their own eyes that the falling 
back to Angostura had not originated in terror of the 
American arms. 

In effect, the commissioners, accompanied by two adju- 
tants of Santa Anna, passed in review the forces who 
remained even under arms. Their martial aspect, their 
fine deportment, their discipline and valor, which were 
appreciated at Buena Vista, attracted the attention of the 
Americans, who expressed themselves in words of praise. 

But the retreat continued, and the demoralization that 
had been partially overcome increased, and the privations 
and panic of the troops augmented. Most of the wounded 
went in thirty carts, drawn by oxen, who had been selected 
there in preference to those having less hope of recovery. 
Various officers were also borne forward, carried by their 
soldiers, among whom there were many who watched with 
the greatest attention. Others, on the contrary, availed 
themselves of the occasion to commit crimes. They dis- 
persed, and they deserted, not without first robbing their 
unfortunate officers and carrying their cruelty to the 
extreme of killing them for the greater security to their 
wickedness. 

The same disorder facilitating the soldiers in separating 



312 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 



from the ranks, caused a large dispersion. Those who, 
endowed with more constancy, followed their banners, 
anticipated being- victims of new sufferings. The day's 
journey from Aguanueva to the Encarnacion was fourteen 
leagues. To this large space was added the want of whole- 
some sustenance ; of the most serious, even that of water, 
they had not one drop ; and the painful sensation of awful 
cold penetrated to the marrow of the bones. On the 
brigades arriving at the Encarnacion, a general dismay 
was noticed, and which every moment was augmented. 
All classes were equally disgusted, for their hardships were 
in common, and none had a better lot than others. 

On the 27th they marched to the Salado, walking this 
day eleven leagues. There was unfolded a new misfortune, 
which was the most serious that they had yet encountered. 
The food in the days before had been reduced to detestable 
and putrid meat, and the water which they drank was 
brackish. Those who had taken these unhealthy aliments 
were attacked with a violent dysentery, which spread with 
a gloomy prevalence until very few were free from it. The 
ravages of the infirmity became extremely deplorable ; 
death devoured the unfortunate troops, so that every day a 
considerable number died. The army seemed made up of 
dead men ; the miserable condition to which the sick were 
reduced, caused the skin of many to stick to their bones, 
and its shrinking exposed their teeth, giving to the counte- 
nance the expression of a forced laugh, which filled one 
with horror. 

On the way there was bad news from Mexico. A pro- 
nunciamento had succeeded against the Administration, 
and the Mexican writer says : 

" Great was the despondency which this disconsolate 
information produced. The brave men, who had gone to 



I 



THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 313 

contend with a foreign enemy, saw, with a heavy heart, that 
our internal dissensions were not forgotten, when the 
menaced invasion destroyed all things, like a fire which 
spreads rapidly in a thick wood full of combustible materials. 
The proximity of danger, which Vera Cruz felt, gave a new 
throb to their sad forebodings. The nation — attacked first 
in the north, next in the east, points of fatal augury — pre- 
sented a spectacle to the world, by her fratricidal strife in 
the beautiful city, at whose gates the Americans were now 
rapping in their irruption. 

" In Matehuala the arrest of General Minon was an event 
that caused a deep sensation. It was published that to 
him, in the battle of Angostura, the mistake was attributed 
for his not attacking the enemy, as had been agreed upon, 
and thus accusing him for our not having obtained a com- 
plete triumph. This antecedent and various remaiks which, 
in the course of the campaign, Minon had made on Santa 
Anna, upon his operations, irritated the latter to such a 
degree that he resolved to submit to a court the conduct of 
the censorious general. The order was to seize him and 
place him in rigorous and close confinement. 

"On the ist of March they marched from Matehuala, 
and, without any incident occurring of importance, they 
arrived at Peiiasco on the 8th. In the haciendas of the 
Presa and Solis the first symptoms of gratitude were mani- 
fested. Their proprietor aided the army with a generous 
hospitality, distributing also proper nourishment among 
the sick and wounded. On the way to the Venado new 
supplies were given with liberality and the greatest good- 
will. 

"The troops made their entrance into San Luis Potosi on 
the 9th, where they were received with unequivocal testi- 
monies of the public gratitude. This city, as well as the 



314 THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 

whole State of which it is the capital, gave repeated proofs 
of the patriotism of its inhabitants. Its excellent conduct, 
imitated by very few states, should put to the blush those 
who had not done their duty. This city gave the army a 
triumphal reception. The citizens endeavored in their 
courtesy, without sparing any efforts, to serve as far as 
they could, the soldiers of the Angostura. 

" The remains of that army which had been seen to sally 
forth enthusiastic and respectable, returned dispirited and 
reduced to a small number. The perplexities of the road 
had infused a new disorganization into the brigades. The 
corps came with a force greatly diminished, order lost, and 
discipline relaxed. The condition, which these unfortunate 
troops now showed, made only too plain the almost incredi- 
ble disasters of the army. The loss sustained from the 
Angostura to San Luis exceeded 10,500 men." 

That the fortunes of war wavered from side to side in 
the Battle of Buena Vista is a fact always recognized by the 
people of the United States, and there was much disputa- 
tion as to the incidents of the combat. The Mexican 
account gives a stranger impression of the disastrous extent 
of the defeat of Santa Anna, than the reports and reflec- 
tions of our own writers. 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

The Policy which Mexico should have Pursued — The Demoralizing Effect of 
Defeat on Nations of Spanish Descent — The Boastful Vanity of the 
Spanish- American Compared with the Active Energy of our Troops — 
The Story of the Battle of Cerro Gordo and a Vivid Description of the 
Terrible and Demoralizing Retreat. 

Ripley says of the Mexican policy when the American 
invasion was on two Hnes : " Mexico's first want was a 
victory. Every thing might be hoped from such an event 
on the part of Mexico, and all which could be feared was 
to have been anticipated on the part of the United States. 
Had the Mexican army once beaten an American army, the 
result would have been such as followed the battle of 
Baylen ; the only important one where Spaniards were 
successful in the war with the French in their peninsula, 
and then only through the surprising errors of the French 
general. But from that time Spanish energy was aroused, 
Spaniards had conquered at Baylen, and that one victory 
flattered their obstinate pride and induced them to continue 
the struggle. Their country, mountain and valley, swarmed 
with guerrillas; armies were raised with the most surprising 
rapidity ; and, though beaten again and again, were only 
dispersed to reappear in stronger force. Baylen was and 
still is the cry of the Spaniards in their remembrance of 
former, and hope of future success. 

"Such might have been the anticipated effect of a victory 
of the Mexican general over either Taylor, who had been 
thus far the terror of Mexico, or Scott, the general-in-chief 

315 



3i6 THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

of the American army. When the immense importance of 
the victory is considered, it cannot be doubted that, when it 
had once been gained, and the nation fairly aroused by the 
cheering news, then, and not till then, would geographical 
points of defence have formed principal topics for the con- 
sideration of Santa Anna. Had these been remembered 
by the American commanders, there would have been no 
difficulty in deciding whether the Mexican president would 
have marched to Vera Cruz to oppose the landing of a 
large force, composed in great part of the veterans of the 
line of the American army, or moved in the direction which 
he had long observed, especially when the American troops 
were reduced to one third of their former strength, and the 
regular force of all arms, to less than a thousand men. So 
long as the prospect of success was brighter in the north than 
in the south, so long as it was certain that Santa Anna (unless 
his genius was underrated) would attack there ; and the di- 
version which General Scott considered of so much import- 
ance, was made on General Taylor's part the moment his 
position offered more probabilities of successful attack than 
that which Scott was about to take ; it was believed that 
the Mexican general would refrain from attacking either, 
in which case it made small difference about the strength 
of either division. 

" Santa Anna's movements had given up the whole coun- 
try north and east of the Sierra Madre without a struggle. 
But he had put three hundred miles of comparatively des- 
ert country, on the direct route from Saltillo to San Luis, 
between himself and General Taylor, of which the water 
tanks could be destroyed to impede the advance of his 
enemy, and which, for that purpose as well as to secure his 
own movement, should he choose to make one, were 
guarded by strong corps of his cavalry. It was in cross- 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 317 

ingr this desert to attack Taylor that the Mexican army was 
forced to enter the Buena Vista fight in a state of fatigue 
most distressing. Santa Anna overcame the discourag- 
ing condition at the capital, and reviving his army, met 
Scott at Cerro Gordo." The Mexican account of this dis- 
tinguished battle is most interesting. We quote from 
Albert Ramsey's "Other Side," which gives the Mexicans, 
fighting on their own soil, due credit, and the American 
troops the greater glory. 

"The American army had encamped on the road, in front 
of our positions on the right, at a distance of about three- 
quarters of a league. On the nth, one of their guerrillas, 
which came out to reconnoitre, had an encounter with our 
advance, in which we lost three soldiers, and the Americans, 
as we afterwards learned, had an officer wounded. On the 
following days an attack was plainly expected. General 
Santa Anna mounted his horse at daybreak and, escorted 
by his staff, reviewed the line, paying particular attention 
to the dismounted men, and the construction of barracks 
for the troops, and returned about noon to headquarters. 
In the evening he was mounted again till sun-down, when 
he retired, accompanied by some of his adjutants, and the 
principal chiefs of the army, to dine, while at intervals a 
military band, stationed outside, performed choice pieces 
of music. 

" With vanity then, he supposed that he had stopped the 
triumphal march of the enemy. Flattered by his fortune, 
which had abandoned him for an instant in 1844, he be- 
lieved it had returned to smile on his arrival in the republic 
in 1846 ; and he cherished fatal illusions, perhaps produced 
by want of foresight. Under a complete fascination, and 
despising even the voice of science, he required the humilia- 
tion of those who surrounded him, and was inaccessible to 



3i8 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



reason and truth. Some of our chiefs, also, destitute of 
interest in the cause, confined themselves to blaming his 
conduct in private circles, without having the energy 
necessary to dissuade him from his errors. We have heard 
some one boast, after passing along our line for the first 
time, of having observed important defects in the general 
plan of defence, which he communicated only to his friends, 
presaging an inevitable misfortune. 

"The enemy remained in camp opposite our positions, 
without undertaking the attack so much desired by our 
army, who looked forward with determination to victory or 
death. Their sufferings rendered their condition more 
distressing, and continually increased their anxiety for a 
battle. 

"And to him who, for the first time, found himself in the 
midst of the army, in the presence of the enemy, in circum- 
stances so solemn for the country, beholding the soldier at 
last in the exercise of his chivalrous mission, and partici- 
pating in his sufferings and isolation ; to one who, from 
that scene, contemplated a whole nation carelessly aban- 
doned to the fate of a handful of men, and read, as in a 
book, one of the most important pages of our history ; to 
one, in short, who looked upon that new and imposing 
situation through the glass of time, — it seemed like realiz- 
ing a dream of the imagination. 

"General Santa Anna, more impatient perhaps than any 
one else, wishing to provoke the enemy to some movement, 
and to obtain some information of the state and number of 
the opposing forces, made arrangements on the night of 
the 14th that the cavalry should march out the next day, 
under the command of General Canalizo, making a recon- 
noissance on the American camp without hazarding a deci- 
sive action, and above all things to take a few prisoners. 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 319 

that he might interrogate them concerning what he wished to 
know. D. Angel Frias, Governor of Chihuahua, who had 
come to his state after the lamentable battle of the Sacra- 
mento, to implore aid against the invaders, and full of gener- 
ous patriotism, had asked leave to take part in the approach- 
ing contest, was appointed by the General-in-chief to 
accompany that expedition, and to interrogate for him the 
prisoners who might be captured. 

" On the 15th, at break of day, the cavalry arrived from 
Corral Falso, consisting of the Fifth and Ninth regiments, 
the Morelia and Coraceros, and the squadrons of Jalapa, 
Hussars, Chalchicomula and Orizava ; and soon after sun- 
rise the General-in-chief put them in motion, making them 
file along the rear of our camp, and pass by a rugged path 
which declined to the Rio del Plan, in order that after- 
wards, mounting the opposite height, they might cross it to 
surprise the enemy's left. After that force had marched, 
General Santa Anna, proceeding to our position on the 
right, the only point from which the American encampment 
could be discerned, awaited the result of the movement. 
A few of the enemy's guerrillas showed themselves on the 
hill where our cavalry were to make their appearance, and 
the General and those who accompanied him, anxiously 
looked for the moment when our forces should meet and 
destroy them, perhaps without allowing a single soldier to 
escape. But they waited in vain and the General, growing 
impatient, and wishing to do them some injury, ordered a few 
cannon to be fired, which, although perhaps not reaching 
them, made them disperse ; not, however, until some of 
their marksmen had fired a few shots at our left flank. 

" Soon after the return of General Santa Anna to head- 
quarters. Colonel Codallos, his Excellency's adjutant, who 
had been sent to hasten the cavalry with an order for Gen- 



320 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



eral Canalizo, returned excessively fatigued. He said that 
he had made extraordinary exertions to perform his com- 
mission ; that the path which the forces had to pursue was 
impracticable ; that the difficulties had finally become so 
great that they had already lost two or three dragoons in 
the defiles, who, falling down the rocks, horse and man, had 
perished at the bottom of the precipice. The General-in- 
chief therefore desisted from the movement, and the cavalry 
returned by the hills to Corral Falso, where they arrived at 
sunset, with their horses completely broken down. 

" The enemy having made no movement on the i6th, their 
intentions were doubted, and it was even imagined that^ 
intimidated by the position of our army, they would not 
make an attack, but retire, to await reinforcements from the 
United States. It was ascertained also, from two prisoners, 
that the yellow fever had made great ravages among the 
American troops, which added to the evils of their position. 
At length, however, on the 17th, General Alcorta, having 
gone out at noon to make a reconnoissance by the hill of 
the Atalya, met a portion of the enemy's forces, which he 
fought on his retreat with our advance, while the Third in- 
fantry, which garrisoned the Telegrafo, came down to protect 
them. General Santa Anna immediately proceeded thither, 
sending down several corps, after ordering the reserve col- 
umn to form on the road. He placed the light battalions 
on the declivity of the Telegrafo in several lines, in echel- 
lon, from the centre of that position, and the Fourth of the 
line toward the left, where the enemy was charging with 
the greatest resolution ; while at the summit on the para- 
pets, remained a portion of the Third line and the Eleventh 
Infantry. The Sixth Infantry moved to the right, at the 
order of General Vega, preventing, with their battery, the 
turning of the position. A very vigorous fire was sustained 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 32 1 

on both sides, and the assaults of the Americans upon our 
Hnes were repulsed with the greatest vigor. The presence of 
General Santa Anna, who on the top of the hill, accompanied 
by his staff, directed the action, gave animation to the troops. 
The lively vivas to the republic, to independence, and to 
the General-in-chief, that burst forth, and which greeted his 
Excellency, excited in them spirited enthusiasm. Our sol- 
diers confronted death with courage ; they defied it, and the 
light of victory shone in their countenances. The battery 
on the summit, commanded by Lieutenant Olzinger, was 
dexterously managed, causing much destruction among the 
Americans, who, divided into three sections, were charging 
upon the left, the centre and right of the position, and 
succeeded in advancing further on the left, yet failed to gain 
any decided advantage. Being assisted, at that point, by 
the Fourth of the line they poured upon them a terrible fire, 
which disabled a multitude of soldiers and officers. In the 
other points equal resistance was made, so that the action 
was prolonged from hour to hour, but finally terminated, 
the enemy being repulsed at all points. Some retreated to 
the very hill of the Atalaya, and some penetrated by the 
bushy caiiadas, which were discovered on the left of our 
positions. 

" About five o'clock in the afternoon the beat of the drums, 
the bands, and the enthusiastic vivas diffused universal 
rejoicing through our camp. More than 200 men, who had 
fallen dead or wounded that evening, lay upon a field which, 
by their efforts, for one more day belonged to the republic. 
The bodies of the unfortunate dead men were interred in 
the night and the wounded were sent to Jalapa in wagons, 
the motion of which increased the poignancy of their suffer- 
ings. The corps that had sustained the action retired to 
their respective encampments, with the exception of the 



222 THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

Fourth infantry and the First and Second h'ght, which that 
night reinforced the garrison of the hill. An express imme- 
diately set off for Mexico with the news of the favorable 
results of our arms that morning. It was the general con- 
viction that night that the enemy would begin their attack 
by the left, after the reconnoissance which had been made, 
and it is very remarkable that our resistance was greater 
when they only attempted to try our strength than when 
they proposed decidedly to conquer us. 

" On the same day, the 1 7th, the brigade of General 
Arteaga arrived at Jalapa, composed of active battalions and 
the National Guard of Puebla ; and they had scarcely retired 
to their quarters before an order was received from General 
Santa Anna to take up their march immediately for Cerro 
Gordo. Without taking any rest after their journey those 
wretched soldiers proceeded ; and most of them reached 
Dos Rios that night, leaving various parties behind, who 
could not endure the fatigue. On the following day, at a 
very critical moment indeed, the united brigade arrived at 
Cerro Gordo. 

"Although General Santa Anna apparently fixed his whole 
attention on the position of the right, where he naturally 
expected the decisive attack, instructed by what had hap- 
pened, he sent two 12-pounders and one 16, that night, up 
the hill ; but the last only reached half way up on the left 
side. He also ordered the chiefs of engineers, Robles and 
Cano, to construct the most necessary fortifications on that 
eminence ; and, on the following day, before dawn, he him- 
self placed a battery on the side of the road, almost in front 
of headquarters, at the aperture of a bushy barranca. The 
Americans, in the course of the night, also established a 
battery in the hill of the Atalaya ; and in their preparations 
for an attack on the following day, were interrupted only 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 323 

by a few cannon shots, which General Vasquez, Comman- 
dante of the Telegrafo, ordered to be fired at them, 

"At dawn on the i8th, the roar of the enemy's artillery 
resounded through the camps as a solemn announcement 
of a battle. 

"On the hill, where the brave insurgents had in former 
days shed their blood for independence, now waved our 
flag ; and under its shadow, from that elevation, was seen 
a line of men, who were to serve as a wall against the in- 
vader. Among the files, the different and distinctive ranks 
of the army, from the common soldier to the General-in- 
chief, then invested with the supreme dignity of the nation, 
appeared at that time in all the prestige and with all the 
splendor which the illusions of patriotism conceded to 
them. 

" The enemy, using the battery of Atalaya, opened from 
thence, for some hours, their fire upon the Telegrafo, from 
which our own replied. General Santa Anna then em- 
ployed himself in completing the battery by the roadside ; 
and the engineers, Robles and Cano, under the enemy's 
fire, erected temporary works on the declivity of the Tele- 
grafo, on the very spot where the corps, who defended the 
centre of the position the evening before, had formed. 
Above the positions of the center and the right of our line, 
were now the same forces which had previously garrisoned 
them ; upon the hill the First and Second Light were sent, 
which had gone down early in the morning, to take their 
rations ; and the Sixth Infantry returned to cover the right. 
The Fourth of the Line remained on the spot where they 
had fought so bravely on the 17th. The cavalry, which had 
been ordered down from Corral Falso in the night, formed 
on the road, resting their right opposite the battery just 
erected, and were supported by the Eleventh Infantry. The 



324 THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

Third and Fourth Light battaHons remained also on the 
road, ready to march to any point that might be designated. 

" Such was the disposition of our forces before sunrise, 
while the cannonade was becoming more and more active 
between the two hills, until the roar was repeated every 
instant. The enemy, without cessation, poured down gre- 
nades, rockets and all other kinds of projectiles which fell 
upon the hill, upon the road and even far beyond our camp. 
Their columns, in the meantime, marched beyond the Ata- 
laya by the crags in front of our left ; and about seven in 
the morning, one of them, under the command of General 
Twiggs, commenced the attack upon the Telegrafo. 

" General Santa Anna, as soon as he had established the 
battery on the left, proceeded to the positions on the right, 
influenced, perhaps, by his first idea. But stopping after 
he had passed the battery of the center and observing from 
that spot, the activity with which the cannonade was sus- 
tained on our part, sent orders to General Vazquez, not to 
expend his park, and to shelter the troops from the enemy's 
fire. Then returning by the road, on arriving at the foot 
of the Telegrafo, the fire of musketry opened, and he im- 
mediately sent up the Third and Fourth Light battalions to 
aid the troops in defending that point. 

"The Americans charged with firmness, deploying as 
skirmishers, covering themselves among the bushes and 
briers that were on the ground upon the lines, scarcely 
marked out, which it had been intended to construct that 
morning, being supported by the Third of the Line, the 
Second Light and part of the Fourth. They made equal exer- 
tions against the left of the Telegrafo, defended by the Fourth 
of the Line, and against the right, where the Sixth Infantry 
was posted, to reinforce them, as on the previous evening. 
The artillery had ceased to play on both sides on account of 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



327 



the proximity of the combatants. The fire of musketry was 
as active as the excitement of the contest. Death Happing 
her wings over that bloody field set on fire in some places 
by the projectiles of the enemy, and which was mixed in a 
horrible manner with the thick smoke that enveloped thou- 
sands of men crimsoned with the contest. Our soldiers 
fell in heaps in the midst of the confusion, and the enemy 
falling also, were instantly replaced by others, who seemed 
to reproduce them. There fell the worthy Palacios, com- 
mander of the artillery of the field, wounded by the enemy's 
fire ; there a warrior's fame crowned the career of General 
Vazquez, in the fulness of his energies with a glorious 
death, amidst the tumult of battle, and there hundreds of 
brave men shed their blood in the most holy cause. This 
commander should have been succeeded by his second. 
General Uraga, but he was at the head of his battalion, the 
Fourth of the Line, on the left declivity of the Telegrafo ; 
and having not a moment to lose, General Baneneli took the 
command, whose corps, the Third Light, had remained in re- 
serve, sheltered from the fire by the very summit of the hill. 
The activity of the engagement redoubling more and more, 
destroyed new victims. The Second Light and the Third 
and Fourth of the Line, had lost almost their entire force, 
and the last, even the greater part of its officers. The 
enemy, pressing upon our troops with superior numbers, 
successively gained possession of the lower works of the 
position, and without losing an instant, rapidly ascended to 
assault the last crest of the hill, 

" Some of our soldiers now began to leave their ranks, and 
to descend to the opposite side, attempting to mingle with 
the wounded, who were retiring, but General Santa Anna, 
observing it, ordered some of his adjutants to prevent this 
disorder, and they, either on compulsion, or by the stimulus 
19 



328 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



of enthusiasm, succeeded in persuading the fugitives to 
return. 

" In the meantime, General BaneneH appealed to the last 
resource, and ordered his men to charge bayonets. They, 
eager to join in an action which they had only heard, im- 
mediately hastened this movement in full force, to come up 
to where they were directed ; but surprised at finding them- 
selves hand to hand with an enemy so superior in numbers, 
and surrounded on all sides, were panic-stricken in an 
instant and fell into disorder ; their commander in vain en- 
deavoring to keep them in the ranks. Being himself in- 
volved in the crowd with the chief of engineers and many 
other officers, who endeavored, sword in hand, to keep 
back the men, they were actually rolled down the opposite 
declivity, borne along by the multitude, which poured on- 
ward like a torrent from the height. 

" On the summit of the hill was now seen, in the midst of 
a column of dense smoke, a multitude of Americans, 
standing amidst the flashing of their fires, which were 
directed against the enormous mass of men precipitating 
themselves down the steep declivity, covered, as it were, 
with a white robe from the color of their dress. That 
shocking spectacle was like the violent eruption of a vol- 
cano, throwing out flames and cinders from its bosom, and 
spreading them all over its surface. 

" Among the fire and smoke, and above the mass of blue 
formed by the Americans behind the summit of the Tele- 
grafo, still floated our deserted flag. But the banner of 
the stars was soon raised by the enemy upon the same 
staff, and for an instant both became entangled, our own 
at length falling to the ground, amidst the shouts and roar 
of the victors' guns, and the mournful cries and confused 
voices of the vanquished. 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 329 

" It was now three-quarters past ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing. The enemy had appeared on the right of our Hne 
during the attack on the Telegrafo ; and advancing in col- 
umn upon our position of the center, endeavored to take 
all our entrenchments by assault. Captain Godinez of the 
navy, commanding the artillery, had concerted with the re- 
spective commanders of the three positions, to allow the ene- 
my to advance upon any of them without firing, until they 
should approach within a short distance, taking the precau- 
tion to have the cannon loaded with grape shot. The 
American column, composed of volunteers, under the com- 
mand of General Pillow, approached nearer and nearer to 
our lines without receiving a single shot ; but as soon as they 
reached a convenient place, a close discharge of our pieces, 
which raked their ranks^ accompanied with a vigorous vol- 
ley of small arms from the three positions, made a horrible 
slaughter among the enemy, threw them into disorder, and 
obliged them to make a precipitous retreat. 

" Before they could reorganize, and though our soldiers 
had not suffered the slightest loss, the Telegrafo had yielded ; 
and the Americans who had possession of it, decending by 
the right declivity, upon the battery on the road, which our 
forces had not begun to use, entirely cut off those positions, 
now surrounded on all sides, and commanded by the hill, 
from which the enemy directed their fire. General Jareo 
no longer attempted any resistance, but surrendered with 
his force. 

" When the Telegrafo was lost, the Sixth Infantry had 
retreated to the positions on the right, where they capitu- 
lated with the other corps. The Grenadier battalion, which 
had been drawn out from the battery of the center to the 
foot of the hill, chiefly dispersed, in spite of the exertions 
made to collect it. 



330 THE BATTLE OE CERRO GORDO. 

"The brigade of General Arteaga, that had arrived in the 
.midst of the conflict, being infected by the disorder of the 
other forces, fell into confusion, opposite headquarters, 
without having come into action. The Eleventh Infantry, in 
obedience to different orders from the Commander-in-chief, 
made repeated marches and counter-marches for that same 
point ; while the scattered remains of the Second, Third, 
and Fourth Light battalions, and the Third and Fourth of 
the line, likewise became disordered ; and the entire 
mass of men, panic-stricken, without discipline, moved 
about in that small piece of road, in the most frightful state 
of confusion. 

" An enthusiastic officer harangued the troops at the 
pitch of his voice, assuring them that they had yet lost 
nothing, wishing to re-animate the, spirit now dead in all 
that unfortunate crowd. General Baneneli, rushing in with 
his horse, and full of wrath, poured forth a thousand horri- 
ble imprecations upon his soldiers, and with the butt of his 
pistol threatened particularly one of his captains. The 
General-in-chief vented his rage upon the officers who had 
lost their positions ; and the agitation of the multitude, and 
the difficulties of the ground, with the general dangers and 
desperation, rendered the scene indescribable. 

" In the meantime the enemy's column, commanded by 
General Worth, passing the barrancas and crags on our 
left, which had been deemed inaccessible, approached the 
battery that had been thrown up that day, the only remain- 
ing one in our possession. The General-in-chief ordered 
General Canalizo to charge with the cavalry, but the woods 
absolutely prevented the execution of the movement. The 
column advanced, in spite of the fire of the cannon, in a 
direction for the road, to the left of our battery, to cut off 
our retreat. When, however, they had approached near 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDu. 331 

enough, more than two hundred skirmishers were sent 
forward, whose fire, as if with a breath of wind, fast cleared 
away the men at our guns, which were suppUed by the 
artillery and a party of cuirassiers, who had been ordered 
to dismount to reinforce the battery. The first adjutant, 
Velasco, chief of the cuirassiers, had the glory of falling at 
the guns. The skirmishers advanced to the front of 
the battery, so that the head of the column was very near 
the road, when our cavalry, seeing that they were about to 
be cutoff, retreated rapidly by the Jalapa road. The last 
effort was then made by Robles, and the brave artillery 
officers, Malagon, Arguelles and Olzinger, who, surrounded 
on all sides, turned their pieces towards the left, directing 
them against the head of the column, a few moments before 
the skirmishers, who rushed upon them with the bayonet, 
got possession of them and turned them against us. 

" General Santa Anna, accompanied by some of his adju- 
tants, proceeded by the road to the left of the battery, when 
the enemy's column, now coming out of the woods, abso- 
lutely prevented his passage by a discharge which obliged 
him to fall back. The carriage in which he had left Jalapa 
was riddled with shot, the mules killed and taken by the 
enemy, as well as a wagon containing sixteen thousand 
dollars, received the day before for the pay of the troops. 
Every tie of command and obedience now being broken 
among our troops, safety alone being the object, and all 
being Involved in a frightful whirl, they rushed desperately 
to the narrow pass of the defile that descends to die Plan 
del Rio, where the General-in-chief had proceeded, with the 
chiefs and officers who accompanied him. 

" Horrible, indeed, was the descent by that narrow and 
rocky path, where thousands rushed, disputing the passage 
with desperation, and leaving a track of blood upon the 



332 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



road. All classes being confounded, all military distinc- 
tion and respect were lost, the badges of rank became 
marks for sarcasms, that were only meted out according to 
their grade and humiliation. The enemy, now masters of 
our camp, turned their guns upon the fugitives. This 
aug-mented more and more the terror of the multitude 
crowding through the defile, and pressed forward every in- 
stant by a new impulse, which increased the confusion and 
disgrace of the ill-fated day. 

" Cerro Gordo was lost ! Mexico was opened to the 
iniquity of the invader. 

" General Santa Anna, frowning and silent, letting his 
horse go almost at his will, and followed by a bleeding 
crowd, descended to the bottom of the barranca, crossed 
the river, and climbed the opposite height. There it was 
probable he would meet an ambush of the enemy, who 
would have killed, with impunity, as many as might ascend 
in disorder by the narrow sloping path, unable to defend 
themselves or to find any refuge. 

" Having reached the summit, the General halted, and 
ordered Generals Ampudia and Rangel and Colonel Ramiro 
to collect, at that point, all the dispersed ; that they might be 
drawn off in order and in the best possible manner. Then, 
taking to the right, he proceeded toward Encero, by a path 
almost parallel to the road from Cerro Gordo to Jalapa. 
He was followed by a small company : Generals Perez, 
Arguelles, and Romero, and the chiefs and ofiicers Schlafino 
Escovar, Galindo, Vega, Roaas, Quintana, and Arriga, and 
Srs. Trias, Armendaris, Urquidi and a nephew of his own. 

"From the field of battle shots were still heard occasion- 
ally, fired at the wretched and defenceless men who had 
not succeeded in escaping. 

"In the meantime a party of the enemy's cavalry, with two 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



333 



light pieces, had left there, by the Jalapa road, in pursuit 
of our cavalry, and were about to reach the Encero almost 
the same moment with Santa Anna. On discovering each 
other the Americans fired several cannon shots, and Gen- 
eral Santa Anna, leaving the path, proceeded towards the 
left, in a direction at right angles to it. 

"He wandered for a long time, uncertain, with his com- 
panions, without pursuing any fixed route, until he formed 
a resolution, and then proceeded in the paths leading to 
the hacienda of Tuzamapan. 

" Having passed many villages and scattered ranches, 
among the undulations of an unknown district, they con- 
tinued their march, all overcome with amazement at the 
misfortune which they had suffered. A melancholy expres- 
sion overspread the countenances of those who had accom- 
panied Santa Anna. Everything within the presence 
of this man, the first chief of our nation and our army, 
whom a few hours before they had seen erect and proud, 
possessed of power which he exercised, and hopes of the 
brightest glory, now humbled and confused, seeking among 
the wretched a refuge to flee to, was to them a lively pic- 
ture of the fall of* our country, of the debasement of our 
name, of the anathema pronounced against our race. 

"At several places the general dismounted to take some 
rest, and, sitting on a bench where his attendants placed it, 
he remained immovable, unable, in consequence of his 
lameness, to take a single step. A horse, which he asked 
for in the place of his own, was pertly refused by a curate, 
and all these occurrences, insignificant as they were in 
themselves, appeared deeply affecting under existing cir- 
cumstances. 

"About five in the morning he reached the hacienda of 
Tuzamapan, where he resolved to remain until the next 



^.^ THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 

day. Soon after his arrival, two or three soldiers of the 
Eleventh appeared, bringing with them the chest of their 
corps, which contained some money, to deliver it to their 
commander, General Perez ; an honorable deed, which 
apjDears to us worthy of praise, in a few unhappy men, who 
were about to be abandoned in these places in the greatest 
misery. 

"At eleven at night the overseer of the hacienda informed 
the General that he had just received notice of the approach 
of a party of Americans, detached for the pursuit, who were 
about to surround the house. Several musket shots were 
soon heard, at a very short distance, which confirmed the 
news, and it was necessary to set off immediately to secure 
a safe retreat, 

"The night was so dark that the nearest objects were 
invisible. The firing became nearer and more frequent, 
and the servants of the hacienda, working mechanically, 
managed so that the litera prepared for the General was 
not ready. He therefore mounted his horse, and a servant 
on foot, with a candle, took his place before him, serving as 
a guide to the party, who filed, one after the other, by a 
road which seemed to sink under the feet of the horses. 
It was one of those steep descents, leading down from the 
hill country between Tuzamapan and Orizava. After 
traveling a long time, they halted in the ruins of a small 
sugar-mill, where they awaited the approach of day, when 
they continued their march. 

" Having crossed a river, whose current flowed on to 
meet that of the Junta, they came to the banks of the latter, 
where flowed its waters, placid, blue, and deep, through 
one of its highest ridges. This rose almost perpendicular, 
covered with beautiful, leafy groves, forming an extensive 
border, and at its foot stood many old trees, which, with 



THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 



335 



their thick branches, threw a somber hght upon the place 
and gave it an aspect truly majestic. A few fishermen 
who lived there in miserable hovels took them over on a 
small raft, guided by a rope, extending from one shore to 
the other. 

" By winding they ascended the elevation which rises on 
that bank, and finally reached the ranclio of Volador, and 
remained long at this place. There, for the first time. 
General Santa Anna broke silence, and in conversation 
expressed the idea of continuing the war with obstinacy, by 
appealing to the last resource which was left us, the system 
of guerrillas. 

"At a short distance from the rancho the road which they 
followed leads among most beautiful trees ; and from some 
open spots are seen, now on this side and now on that, 
profound ravines, whose bottom was lost in obscurity, 
caused by the thickness of the dark green foliage of the 
immense groves, covering that region with perpetual spring. 

" The Mexicans, with all their hard fighting, failed to gain 
their point — a victory, and the spell of their discourage- 
ment was not dispelled to the bitter end." 



CHAPTER XXI. 

THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

The United States Proves Herself the Dominant Power of America — The Re- 
markable Campaign Before the City of Mexico — Though Fighting 
Against Powerful Odds the Valor of our Troops Counts for more than 
Superior Numbers — Our Officers Prove Themselves Superior Strategists 
— The Overwhelming Defeat of the Mexicans Compels them to ask For 
an Armistice to Gain Time which is Shortly Followed by Renewed 
Hostilities, soon Terminating in the Surrender of Mexico. 

On entering the palace of the City of Mexico, General 
Scott issued an order saying: "The General-in-chief calls 
upon his brethren in arms to return both in public and 
private worship, thanks and gratitude to God for the signal 
triumphs which they have recently achieved for their country. 
Beginning with the 19th of August, this army has gallantly 
fought its way through the fields and forts of Contreras, 
San Antonio, Cherubusco, Molino del Rey, Chepultepec 
and the gates of San Casone and Tacubaya of Belen, into 
the Capital of Mexico." 

Tuttle, the historian gives an excellent compilation of 
the official reports of General Worth and makes the battle 
pictures most vivid, uniting this with the Mexican stories 
of Buena Vista and Cerro-Gordo, we have a dramatic 
revelation of the greater scenes of the Mexican war — three 
almost incomparable battle pictures. 

"A detachment under General Worth captured Pueblo, on 
the 15th of May, where the army remained until the 7th of 
August, when the whole army marched for the City of 
Mexico. On the afternoon of the third day's march, a 
sudden turn in the route revealed a scene that was well 
calculated to excite the weary soldiers. The whole vast 
336 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 



337 



plain of Mexico was before them. The coldness of the air, 
which was most sensibly felt at this great elevation, their 
fatigue and dangers were forgotten, and their eyes were 
the only sense that thought of enjoyment. Mexico, with 
its lofty steeples and chequered domes, its bright reality, 
and its former fame, its modern splendor and its ancient 
magnificence, was before them, while around on every side 
its thousand lakes seemed like silver stars on a velvet 
mantle. Scott's army encamped that night at the base of 
the mountains with the enemy's scouts on every side. On 
the following day the army halted at Ayotta, only fifteen 
miles from Mexico. We were separated, says one who 
bore the fatigues of the march, from the city by the marshes 
which surround Lake Tezcuco, and by the lake itself. The 
road from this point was commanded by a steep and lofty 
hill called El Pinnal, which had been strongly fortified by 
Santa Anna. Batteries mounting over fifty guns in all, had 
been placed on its sides, and a deep ditch, twenty-four feet 
wide and ten deep, filled with water, had been cut, connect- 
ing the forts already surrounded by marshes. On this side 
Santa Anna had twenty-five thousand men against the 
American force of a little over nine thousand. 

On the 2 2d of August the Americans made a recon- 
noissance of the work, which was pronounced impracticable, 
as the lives of half the troops would be sacrificed before 
the ditch could be crossed. After a long- search another 
road was found which led around on the left, but which was 
guarded with five strong batteries at a point about five 
miles from the city. All approach to the city seemed to be 
cut off, but at length, by means of his scouts, General 
Worth, who was encamped about five miles distant, found 
a path around the left of Lake Chalco, which led to the 
western gate of the city, and which had not yet been forti- 



338 THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

fied. On the 14th the army commenced its march by this 
route'; on the 19th it arrived at San Juan, Worth's divi- 
sion being considerably in advance. When the Americans 
arrived at this place they received orders to sling their 
blankets across their shoulders, put their knapsacks into 
their wagons, and to put two days' bread and beef in their 
haversacks. When this order came the men knew that the 
work was at hand. The enemy was reported to be in po- 
sition as follows : Santa Anna, with twenty thousand men, 
was at St. Augustine ; Valencia, with ten thousand, was at 
an elevation called Contreras, which commanded the road 
in that direction. It now became Scott's object to drive 
Valencia from his position, and thus get in between Santa 
Anna and the city. With a view to effecting this, General 
Worth was directed to keep Santa Anna in check, while a 
portion of the army under General Twiggs was to rout Va- 
lencia. The progress from this point is thus described by 
one who participated : * 

"We left San Juan about i o'clock, not particularly de- 
siring a fight so late in the day, but still not shunning it in 
case we could have a respectable chance. About 2 p. m., 
as we had crawled to the top of a hill, whither we had been 
ourselves pulling Magruder's battery and the mountain 
howitzers, we suddenly espied Valencia fortified on a hill 
about two hundred yards off, and strongly reinforced by 
a column which had just come out of the city. We laid 
down close to avoid drawing their fire, while the battery 
moved past at a full gallop. Just then General Smith's 
manly voice rang out, ' Forwaj^d the rifles, to support the 
battery! On they went until we got about eight hundred 
yards from the work, when the enemy opened upon them 
with the long guns, which were afterwards found to be six- 

*"The Mexican War and Its Heroes." 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 339 

teen and eight-inch howitzers. The ground was the worst 
possible for artillery, covered with rocks, large and small, 
prickly-pear and cactus, intersected by ditches filled with 
water and lined with maguey-plant, itself imperviable to 
cavalry, and with patches of corn which concealed the 
enemy's skirmishers, while it impeded our own passage. 
The artillery advanced but slowly under a most tremendous 
fire, which greatly injured it before it could be got in range, 
and the thickness of the undergrowth caused the skirmishers, 
thrown forward, to lose their relative position, as well as 
the column. At 4 p. m. the battery got in position under 
a most murderous fire of grape, canister and round-shot. 
Here the superiority of the enemy's pieces rendered our 
fire nugatory. We could get but three pieces in battery, 
while they had twenty-seven, all of them three times the 
calibre of ours. For two hours our troops stood unmoved, 
the storm of iron and lead hailing upon them. At every 
discharge they laid flat down to avoid the storm, and then 
sprung up to serve the guns. At the end of that time, two 
of the guns were dismounted, and we badly hurt; thirteen of 
the horses were killed and disabled, and fifteen of the cannon- 
iers killed and wounded. The regiment was then recalled. 
The lancers had been repelled in three successive charges. 
The Third Infantry and First Artillery had also engaged 
and successfully repelled the enemy's skirmishers without 
losing either officers or men. The greatest loss had been 
at the batteries. Affairs looked gloomy for the first day's 
fight, but the brigade was formed, and General Smith, in 
person, took command. All felt revived, and followed 
him with a yell; as, creeping low to avoid the grape, which 
was coming very fast, we made a circuit in the rear of the 
batteries ; and, passing off to the right, we were soon lost 
to view in the chaparral and cactus. 



340 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 



" Passing over the path that we scrambled through, be- 
hold us at almost six o'clock in the evening, tired, hungry 
and sorrowful, emerging from the chaparral and crossing 
the road between it and Valencia, Here we found Cad- 
walader and his brigade already formed, and discovered 
Riley's brigade skirmishing in rear of enemy's works. 
Valencia was ignorant of our approach, and we were as yet 
safe. He was strongly entrenched on a hillside and sur- 
rounded by a regular field-work. Mendoza, with a 
column of six thousand, was in the road, but thought us to 
be friends. On our right was a large range of hills whose 
continued crest was parallel to the road, and in which were 
formed in line of battle five thousand of the best Mexican 
cavalry. On our left we were separated from our own 
forces by an almost impassable wilderness, and it was now 
twilight. Even Smith looked around for help. Suddenly a 
thousand vivas came across the hillside like the yelling of 
pirate wolves in the dead of night, and the squadrons on 
our right formed for charging. Smith is himself again ! 
' Face to the rear ! ' * Wait till you see their red caps, and 
then give it to them ! ' Furiously they came on a {^v^ yards, 
then changed their minds, and, disgusted at our cool recep- 
tion, retired to their couches. 

" On the edge of the road, between us and Valencia, a 
Mexican hamlet spread out, with its mud huts, large 
orchards, deep-cut roads, and a strong church ; and through 
the centre of this hamlet ran a path parallel to the main 
road, but concealed from it ; it is nearly a mile long. In 
this road Smith's and Riley's corps bivouacked. Shields, 
who came up in the night, lay in the orchard, while Cadwal- 
ader was nearest the enemy's works. As we were within 
range of their batteries, which could enfilade the road in 
which we lay, we built a stone breastwork at either end to 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 



341 



conceal ourselves from their view and grape. There we 
were, completely surrounded by the enemy, cut off from 
our communications, ignorant of the ground, without artil- 
lery, weary, dispirited and dejected. We were a disheart- 
ened set. With Santa Anna and Sala's promise of ' no 
quarter,' a force of four to one against us, and one-half 
defeated already, no succor from Puebla, and no news 
from General Scott, all seemed dark. Suddenly the words 
came whispered along, ' We stoi^tn at niidnigJit' Now we 
are ourselves again ! But what a horrible night ! There 
we lay, too tired to eat, too wet to sleep, in the middle of 
that muddy road, officers and men side by side, with a heavy 
rain pouring down upon us, the officers without blankets or 
overcoats (they had lost them in coming across), and the 
men worn out with fatigue. About midnight the rain was 
so heavy that the streams in the road flooded us, and there 
we stood crowded together, drenched and benumbed, 
waiting for daylight. 

" At half-past three the word 'fall m ' was passed down, 
and we commenced our march. The enemy's works were 
on a hillside, behind which rose other and slightly higher 
hills, separated by deep ravines and gullies, and intersected 
by streams. The whole face of the country was of stiff 
clay, which rendered it almost impossible to advance. We 
formed our line about a quarter of a mile from the enemy's 
works, Riley's brigade on our right. At about four we 
started, winding through a thick orchard which effectually 
concealed us, even had it not been dark, debouching into a 
deep ravine, which ran within about five hundred yards of the 
work, and which carried us directly in rear and out of sight 
of their batteries. At dawn of day we reached our place, 
after incredible exertions, and got ready for our charge. 
The men threw off their wet blankets and looked to their 



342 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 



pieces, while the officers got ready for a rush, and the first 
smile that lit up our faces for twelve hours boded but little 
good for the Mexicans. On the right, and opposite the 
right of their work, was Riley's brigade of the Second and 
First Infantry and Fourth Artillery, next the rifles, then the 
First Artillery and Third Infantry. In rear of our left was 
Cadwalader's brigade, as a support, with Shield's brigade 
in the rear as a reserve — the whole division under com- 
mand of General Smith, in the absence of General Twiggs. 
They had a smooth place to rush down on the enemy's 
work, with the brow of the hill to keep under until the word 
was given. 

" At last, just at daylight. General Smith, slowly walking 
up, asked if all was ready. A look answered him : 'Men, 
forward!' — and we did 'forward.' Springing up at once, 
Riley's brigade opened, when the crack of a hundred rifles 
startled the Mexicans from their astonishment, and they 
opened their fire. Useless fire, for we were so close that 
they overshot us, and before they could turn their pieces on 
us we were on them. Then such cheers arose as you never 
heard. The men rushed forward like demons, yelling and 
firing the while. The carnage was frightful, and though 
they fired sharply, it was of no use. The earthen parapet 
was cleared in an instant, and the blows of the stocks could 
be plainly heard mingled with the yells and groans around. 
Just before the charge was made a large body of lancers 
came winding up the road, looking most splendidly in their 
brilliant uniforms. They never got to the work, but turned 
and fled. In an instant all was one mass of confusion, each 
trying to be foremost in the flight. The road was literally 
blocked up, and while many perished by their own guns, it 
was almost impossible to fire on the mass from the danger 
of killing our own men. Some fled up the ravine on the 



THE BATTLES BEEORE THE CITY OE MEXICO. 



345 



left, or on the right, and many of these were slain by turn- 
ing their own guns on them. Towards the city the rifles 
and Second Infantry led off the pursuit. Seeing that a 
large crowd of the fugitives were jammed up in a pass in 
the road some of our men ran through the cornfield, and 
thus, by heading them off and firing down upon them, 
about thirty men took over five hundred prisoners, nearly 
a hundred of them officers. After disarming the prisoners, 
as the pursuit had ceased, we went back to the fort, where 
we found our troops in full possession, the rout com- 
plete. 

" We found that the enemy's position was much stronger 
than we had supposed, and their artillery much larger and 
more abundant. Our own loss was small, which may be 
accounted for by their perfect surprise at our charge, as to 
them we appeared as if rising out of the earth, so unper- 
ceived was our approach. Our loss was one officer killed, 
Captain Hanson, of the Seventh Infantry, and Lieutenant 
Van Buren, of the rifles, shot through the leg, and about 
fifty men killed and wounded. Their force consisted of 
about eight thousand men, under Valencia, with a reserve 
which had not yet arrived, under Santa Anna. Their loss, 
as since ascertained, was as follows : killed and buried in 
the field, seven hundred and fifty ; wounded, one thousand ; 
and fifteen hundred prisoners, exclusive of officers, includ- 
ing four generals — Salas, Mendoza, Garcia and Guadalupe 
— in addition to dozens of colonels, majors, captains, etc. 
We captured, in all, on the hill twenty-two pieces of cannon, 
including five eight-inch howitzers, two long eighteens, three 
long sixteens, and several of twelve and eight inches. In 
addition to these were taken immense quantities of ammu- 
nition and muskets ; in fact, the way was strewn with 
muskets, escopets, lances and flags for miles. Large quan- 



346 THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

titles of horses and mules were also captured, though large 
numbers were killed. 

"Thus ended the glorious battle of Contreras, in which 
two thousand men, under Gen. P. F. Smith, completely 
routed and destroyed an army of eight thousand men, under 
General Valencia, with Santa Anna and a force of twenty 
thousand men within five miles. Their army was so com- 
pletely routed that not fifteen hundred men rejoined Santa 
Anna and participated in the second battle. Most people 
would have thought that, a pretty good day's work. Not 
so. We had only saved ourselves, not conquered Mexico, 
and men's work was before us yet. 

"At eight A. M. we formed again, and General Twiggs 
having taken command, we started on the road to Mexico. 
We had hardly marched a mile before we were sharply 
fired upon from both sides of the road, and our right was 
deployed to drive the enemy in. We soon found that we 
had caught up with the retreating party, from the very 
brisk firing in front, and we drove them through the little 
town of San Angelo, where they had been halting in force. 
About half-a-mile from this town we entered the suburbs 
of another, called San Katherina, when a large party in the 
churchyard fired on the head of the column, and the balls 
came right among us. Our men kept rushing on their 
rear and cutting them down, until a discharge of grapeshot 
from a large piece in front drove them back to the column. 
In this short space of time five men were killed, ten taken 
prisoners, and a small color captured, which was carried 
the rest of the day. 

"Meanwhile General Worth had made a demonstration 
on San Antonio, where the enemy was fortified in a strong 
hacienda ; but they retired on his approach to Cherubusco, 
where the works were deemed impregnable. They con- 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 347 

sisted of a fortified hacienda, which was surrounded by a 
hicrh and thick wall on all sides. Inside the wall was a stone 
building, the roof of which was flat, and higher than the 
walls. Above all this was a stone church, still higher than 
the rest, and having a large steeple. The wall was pierced 
with loop holes, and so arranged that there were two tiers 
of men firing at the same time. They thus had four differ- 
ent ranges of men firing at once, and four ranks were 
formed on each range, and placed at such a height that 
they could not only overlook all the surrounding country, 
but at the same time they had a plunging fire upon us. 
Outside the hacienda, and completely commanding the 
avenues of approach, was a field-work extending around 
two sides of the fort, and protected by a deep, wet ditch, 
and armed with seven large pieces. This hacienda is at 
the commencement of the causeway leading to the western 
gate of the city, and had to be passed before getting on the 
road. About three hundred yards in the rear of this work 
another field-work had been built where a cross-road meets 
the causeway, at a point where it crosses a river, thus 
forming a bridge-head, or tete de pout. This was also very 
strong, and armed with three large pieces of cannon. The 
works were surrounded on every side by large cornfields, 
which were filled with the enemy's skirmishers, so that it 
was difficult to make a reconnoissance. It was, therefore, 
decided to .make the attack immediately, as they were full 
of men, and extended for nearly a mile on the road to the 
city, completely covering the causeway. 

" The attack commenced about i p. m. General Twiggs' 
division attacked on the side towards which they ap- 
proached the fort ; that is, opposite the city. General 
Worth's attacked the bridge-head, which he took in about 
an hour and a half ; while Generals Pillow and Quitman 



348 THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

were on the extreme left, between the causeway and 
Ouiggs' division. The rifles were on the left and in the 
rear of the work, entrusted by General Scott with the task 
of charging it in case General Pierce gave way. The firing 
was most tremendous — in fact one continued roll while the 
combat lasted. The enemy, from their elevated station, 
could readily see our men, who were unable to get a clear 
view from their position. Three of the pieces were manned 
by 'the deserters,' a body of about one hundred, who had 
deserted from the ranks of our army during the war. They 
were enrolled in two companies, commanded by a deserter, 
and were better uniformed and disciplined than the rest of 
the army. These men fought most desperately, and are 
said not only to have shot down several of our officers 
whom they knew, but to have pulled down the white flag 
of surrender no less than three times. 

" The battle raged most furiously for about three hours, 
when, both sides having lost a great many, the enemy be- 
gan to give way. As soon as they commenced retreating, 
Kearney's squadron passed through the tete de pont, and, 
charging through the retreating column, pursued them to 
the very gate of the city. When our men got within about 
five hundred yards of the gate they were opened upon 
with grape and canister, and several officers wounded. 
The official returns give our loss in killed and wounded at 
one thousand one, hundred and fifty, besides officers. The 
Mexican loss was five hundred killed in the second battle, 
one thousand wounded, and eleven hundred prisoners, ex- 
clusive of officers. Three more generals were taken, among 
them General Rincon, and Anaya, the Provisional Presi- 
dent ; also ten pieces of cannon and an immense amount 
of ammunition and stores. Santa Anna in his report states 
his loss in killed, wounded and missing at twelve thousand. 



THE BA TTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 349 

He has only eighteen thousand left out of thirty thousand, 
which he gives as his force on the 20th in both actions. 

•'Thus ended the battle of Cherubusco, one of the most 
furious and deadly for its length, of any of the war. For 
reasons which he deemed conclusive. General Scott did not 
enter the city that night, but encamped on the battle-field, 
about four miles from the western gate of the city. The 
next day a flag of truce came out, and propositions were 
made which resulted in an armistice." 

An armistice was concluded on the 24th of August be- 
tween General Scott and President Santa Anna, with a view 
of terminating the war and effecting a treaty of peace. 
Negotiations were at once commenced, but terminated on 
the 7th of September, when both armies assumed hostile 
attitudes. On the date last mentioned a large body of Mexi- 
cans was discovered hovering about Molino del Rey, within 
a mile of the American camp and General Scott's headquar- 
ters. General Worth was at once ordered to attack the 
enemy at this point, and, his division being reinforced, he 
moved forward to battle. The position of the Mexicans 
was well taken. Their left rested upon and occupied a group 
of strong stone buildings, called El Molino del Rey, adjoin- 
ing the grove at the foot of the hill of Chapultepec, and 
directly under the guns of the castle which crowned its 
summit. The right of his line rested upon another stone 
building, called Casa Mata, situated at the foot of the ridge 
that slopes gradually from the heights above the village^ of 
Tacubaya to the plain below. Midway between these build- 
ings was the enemy's field battery, and their infantry forces 
were disposed on either side to support it. "The early 
dawn," says Worth, "was the moment appointed for the 
attack, which was announced to the troops by the opening 
of Huger's guns on El Molino del Rey, upon which they 



350 THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

continued to play actively until this point of the enemy's 
lines became sensibly shaken when the assaulting party, 
commanded by Wright, and guided by that accomplished 
officer, Captain Mason, of the engineers, assisted by Lieu- 
tenant Foster, dashed gallantly forward to the assault." 

* " Unshaken by the galling fire of musketry and canister 
that was showered upon them, on they rushed, driving the 
infantry and artillerymen at the point of the bayonet. The 
enemy's field battery was taken, and their own guns were 
trained upon the retreating masses ; before, however, they 
could be discharged, perceiving that they had been dispos- 
sessed of this strong position by comparatively a handful of 
men, the enemy made a desperate effort to regain it. Accord- 
ingly, their retiring forces rallied and formed with this object. 
Aided by the infantry, which covered the house-tops (within 
reach of which the battery had been moved during the night), 
the enemy's whole line opened upon the assaulting party a 
terrific fire of musketry, which struck down eleven out oi four- 
teen officers that composed the command, and non-commis- 
sioned officers and men in proportion, including among the 
officers Brevet-Major Wright, the commander ; Captain 
Mason and Lieutenant Forster, engineers, all severely 
wounded. This severe shock staggered, for a moment, that 
gallant band. The light battalion held to cover Huger's 
battery, under Captain E. Kirby Smith, and the right wing 
of Cadwalader's brigade, were promptly ordered forward to 
support, which order was executed in the most gallant style ; 
the enemy was again routed, and this point of their line car- 
ried and fully possessed by our troops. In the meantime 
Garland's brigade, ably sustained by Captain Drum's artil- 
lery, assaulted the enemy's left, and, after an obstinate and 
very severe contest, drove them from this apparendy impreg- 

* General Worth's report. 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 351 

nable position, immediately under the guns of the castle of 
Chepultepec. Drum's section and the battering guns under 
Captain Huger advanced to the enemy's position, and the 
captured guns of the enemy were now opened on their re- 
treating forces, on which they continued to fire until beyond 
their reach. 

While this work was in progress of accomplishment by 
the centre and right, the troops on the left were not idle. 
Duncan's battery opened on the right of the enemy's line, 
up to this time engaged, and the Second brigade, under 
Colonel Mcintosh, was now ordered to assault the extreme 
right of the enemy's line. The direction of this brigade 
soon caused it to mask Duncan's battery, the fire of which, 
for the moment, was discontinued, and the brigade moved 
steadily on to the assault of Casa Mata, which, instead of 
an ordinary field entrenchment, as was supposed, proved to 
be a strong stone citadel, surrounded with bastioned en- 
trenchments and impassable ditches, an old Spanish work, 
recently repaired and enlarged. When within easy musket 
range the enemy opened a most deadly fire upon the ad- 
vancing troops, which was kept up, without intermission, 
until the gallant men reached the very slope of the parapet 
of the work that surrounded the citadel. By this time a 
large proportion of the command was either killed or 
wounded, among whom were the three senior officers pres- 
ent, Brevet-Colonel Mcintosh, Brevet-Lieutenant-Colonel 
Scott, of the Fifth Infantry, and Major Waite, Eighth Infan- 
try ; the second killed and the first and last desperately 
wounded. Still the fire from the citadel was unabated. In 
this crisis of the attack, the command was momentarily 
thrown into disorder and fell back on the left of Duncan's 
battery, where they rallied. As the Second brigade moved 
to the assault a very large cavalry and infantry force was 



352 THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 

discovered approaching rapidly upon the left Hank to re- 
inforce the enemy's right. 

As soon as Duncan's battery was masked, as before 
mentioned, supported by Andrews's voltigeurs, of Cad- 
walader's brigade, it moved promptly to the extreme left 
of the line to check the threatened assault on this point. 
The enemy's cavalry came rapidly within canister range, 
when the whole battery opened a most effective fire, which 
soon broke the squadrons and drove them back in disorder. 
During this fire upon the enemy's cavalry, Major Sumner's 
command moved to the front, and changed direction in 
admirable order, under a most appalling fire from the Casa 
Mata. This movement enabled his command to cross the 
ravine immediately on the left of Duncan's battery, where 
it remained, doing noble service until the close of the 
action. At the very moment the cavalry were driven be- 
yond reach, the American troops drew back from the Casa 
Mata, and enabled the guns of Duncan's battery to re-open 
upon this position, which, after a short and well-directed 
fire, the enemy abandoned. The guns of the battery were 
now turned upon the retreating columns. 

The Mexicans were now driven from every point of the 
field, and their strong lines, which had certainly been de- 
fended well, were in Worth's possession. In fulfillment of 
the instructions of General Scott, the Casa Mata was blown 
up, and such of the captured ammunition as was useless to 
the Americans, as well as the cannon-moulds found in El 
Molino del Rey, were destroyed. After which. Worth's 
command, under the orders of the General-in-chief, returned 
to quarters at Tacubaya, with three of the enemy's four 
guns, as also a large quantity of small arms, with gun and 
musket ammunition, and exceeding eight hundred prison- 
ers, including fifty-two commissioned officers. By the con- 



THE BATTLES BEFORE THE CITY OF MEXICO. 353 

current testimony of prisoners, the enemy's force exceeded 
four thousand men, commanded by General Santa Anna in 
person. His total loss, killed (including the second and 
third in command, Generals Valdarez and Leon), wounded, 
and prisoners, amounted to three thousand, exclusive of 
some two thousand who deserted after the rout. Worth's 
command, reinforced as before stated, only reached three 
thousand one hundred men of all arms. The contest con- 
tinued two hours, and its severity was painfully attested by 
the heavy loss of American officers, non-commissioned 
officers and privates, including in the first two classes some 
of the brightest men of the service. 

A series of batdes of forty-eight hours' continuance fol- 
lowed Worth's triumph at Molino del Rey,.after which, on 
the 14th of September, 1847, General Scott's glorious 
army hoisted the flag of the United States on the walls of 
the National Palace of Mexico. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

AN EXAMPLE OF A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 

The Guarantee of the Mihtary Power of the United States Lies in the Superior 
Energy of Her Citizens — The Fighting McCooks are a Fair Sample of 
the American Type — A Brief Sketch of the Individual Members of the 
Two Families. 

The fundamental feature of the military power of the 
United States is the ever-ready army of the vohinteers. It 
is true this force is not organized, but it is the young man- 
hood of the country, intelHgent, patriotic, alert, ambitious 
to share in the honor and glory of arms, of remarkable 
soldierly aptitude, keen in drill, restive under the severities 
of discipline, marvelously quick to receive instruction, proud 
of the record of the fathers, such men as swept over Mis- 
sionary Ridge with Sheridan, or charged at Chickamauga 
and Gettysburg. There are millions of these men. They 
are an army that outnumber and outclass the Legions of 
Germany, Russia and France. 

A brief historical account of one of the families distin- 
guished in the war of the states and sections, especially as 
volunteers in the army that established the nation, will show 
the fountains of blood of the brave that was poured out 
for the cause that the flag signified, and display in one 
picture, full of the pathos of sacrifice, and the fame of hero- 
ism, that the family is the unit of the life of our country that 
has shaped and endowed the records of America in the 
homes, the churches, the schools, the armies that have made 
354 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 355 

the character that abides, and the history that comes down 
to us in traditions of inspiration and goes forth to glorious 
reahzation. 

"The fighting McCooks " of Ohio are a typical American 
family, and the sketch of them, given in the proceedings of 
the Scotch-Irish Society of America for 1894, is of such 
universal illustrative interest, that we give it as a chapter 
in " Our Country in War " for its example of the heroic 
devotion of our countrymen who fly to arms when the 
people are summoned to fight for the government that is 
of themselves. 

Major Daniel McCook and Dr. John McCook were the 
fathers of the fighters. Of the family of Major Daniel 
McCook there were engaged in military service the 
father, Major Daniel McCook, Surgeon Latimer A. McCook, 
Gen, George W. McCook, Gen. Robert L. McCook, Gen, 
Alexander McD, McCook, Gen, Daniel McCook, Jr., Gen. 
Edwin Stanton McCook, Private Charles Morris McCook, 
and Col. John J, McCook, Another son, Midshipman J. 
James McCook, died in the naval service before the re- 
bellion. Thus ten in all honorably served their country. 

Of the family of Dr. John McCook, there were engaged 
in the service, Gen. Edward M. McCook, Gen. Anson G. 
McCook, Chaplain Henry C. McCook, Commander Rod- 
eric S. McCook, U. S. N., and Lieut. John J. McCook — five 
in all. This makes a total of fifteen, every son of both 
families commissioned officers except Charles, who was 
killed in the first battle of Bull Run, and had declined a 
commission in the regular army, preferring to serve as a 
private volunteer. 

The two branches of the family have been familiarly dis- 
tinguished as the "Tribe of Dan" and the "Tribe of 
John." 



356 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 



I. The Daniel McCook Branch. 

Major Daniel McCook was born June 20, 1798, at Can- 
nonsburg, Pa., where he received his education. On August 
28, 1 81 7, he married Martha Latimer, daughter of Abra- 
ham Latimer, of Washington, Pa. In 1826 they removed 
to New Lisbon, O., and later to CarroUton, O. 

At the beginning of the war he was in Washington, D, C, 
and, although sixty- three years of age, at once tendered 
his services to President Lincoln. Each of his eight sons, 
then living, also promptly responded to the call of the Pre- 
sident for troops. When the rebel general, John Morgan, 
made his raid into Ohio, Major McCook was stationed at Cin- 
cinnati, and joined the troops sent in his pursuit. Morgan 
undertook to recross the Ohio River at Buffington Island. 
Major McCook led an advance party to oppose and inter- 
cept the crossing. In the skirmish that took place he was 
mortally wounded, and died next day, July 21, 1863. 

During the war of the rebellion, Mrs. McCook was in a 
peculiarly diflkult position. Her husband and sons were 
all in the service. No battle could take place but some of 
her loved ones were in danger. Each succeeding year 
brought death to a member of her family upon the battle- 
field. Her husband and three sons were thus taken from 
her ; and the others were so frequently wounded that it 
seemed as if, in her old age, she was to be bereft of her en- 
tire family. Her life during these long years of anxiety 
was well-nigh a continuous prayer for her country and for 
her husband and sons who had given themselves for its de- 
fence. This patriotic woman well illustrates the heroic 
sufferings endured by the women of the republic no less 
than by the men. 

Latimer A. McCook, M. D., first son of Daniel, was born 
at Cannonsburg, Pa., April 26, 1820. He entered the army 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 357 

in 1 86 1 as assistant surgeon, and was soon promoted to 
be surgeon, with the rank of major, of the Thirty-first Regi- 
ment, IlHnois Vohmteers, known as "John A. Logan's 
Regiment." 

He served throughout the campaigns of the Army of the 
Tennessee, and while caring for the wounded of his regi- 
ment, during action, he was himself twice wounded — once 
in the trenches before Vicksburg, and again at Pocotahgo 
Bridcre in General Sherman's movement northward from 
Savannah. 

Second son, George Weythe McCook, was born at Can- 
nonsburg, Pa., November 2, 1821. He studied law with, 
and afterwards became the partner, of Edwin M. Stanton, 
the great War Secretary. He served as an officer in the 
Third Ohio Regiment throughout the Mexican war, and 
returned as its commander. He was one of the first four 
brigadier-generals appointed by the governor of Ohio to 
command the troops from that state at the outbreak of the 
rebellion. 

Third son, John James McCook, was born at Cannonsburg, 
Pa., December 28, 1823. While serving as midshipman of 
the United States frigate Delaware off the coast of South 
America, he was taken ill with a fever, following long-con- 
tinued exposure while on duty. He died March 2,0, 1842, 
and was buried in the English burying-ground at Rio Jan- 
eiro. Admiral Farragut, in his autobiography, pays a high 
tribute to the personal character and ability of Midshipman 
McCook. 

Fourth son, Robert Latimer McCook, was born at New 
Lisbon, Ohio, December 28, 1827. When the news reached 
him that Fort Sumter had been fired upon he organized and 
was commissioned colonel of the Ninth Ohio Regiment, 
among the Germans, enlisting a thousand men in less than 



358 A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 

two days. He was ordered to West Virginia, put in com- 
mand of a brigade, and made the decisive campaign there 
under McClellan. His brig^ade was then transferred to the 
Army of the Ohio, and took a most active part in the battle 
of Mills Spring, in Kentucky, where he was severely 
wounded. The rebel forces were driven from their lines 
by a bayonet charge of General McCook's brigade, and so 
closely pursued that their organization, as an army, was 
completely destroyed. General McCook rejoined his bri- 
gade before his wound had healed, and continued to com- 
mand it when he was unable to mount a horse. His 
remarkable soldierly qualities procured him the rank of 
major-general, and the command of a division. He met his 
death, August 6, 1862, while on the march near Salem, Ala. 
Fifth son, Major-General Alexander McDowell McCook, 
was born near New Lisbon, Ohio, April 22, 1831. He 
entered the United States Military Academy at West Point, 
and graduated in the class of 1852. At the opening of the 
war he was promptly made colonel of the First Ohio Regi- 
ment, which he led among the very earliest troops to the 
relief of the capital, and commanded at Bull Run, or Man- 
assas. He became a brigadier-general in September, 1861, 
and commanded a division under General Buell in the 
Army of the Ohio. He was made a major-general for distin- 
guished services at the battle of Shiloh, and was placed in 
command of the Twentieth Army Corps, forming the right 
wing of the Army of the Cumberland, with which he served 
during the campaigns of Perryville, Stone's River, Tulla- 
homa, Chattanooga and Chickamauga. General McCook 
subsequently commanded one of the Trans-Mississippi 
departments. He is now a major-general in the regular 
army, stationed at Denver, Col., in command of the Depart- 
ment of Colorado. 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 359 

Sixth son, Daniel McCook, Jr., was born at Carrollton, 
O., July 22, 1834. 

When the war broke out he was a partner in the law 
firm of Sherman & Ewing. That office was closed, and 
each of the partners soon became general officers, General 
Sherman at the close of the war being second in rank to 
General Grant. 

Daniel McCook, Jr., was captain of a local company, the 
Shields Guards, with which he volunteered, and, as a part of 
the First Kansas Regiment, served under General Lyon at 
Wilson's Creek. He then served as Chief of Staff of the 
First Division of the Army of the Ohio in the Shiloh cam- 
paign, and became colonel of the Fifty-second Ohio Infantry 
in the summer of 1862, He was assigned to the command 
of a brieade in General Sheridan's division, and as such 
continued to serve with the Army of the Cumberland. 

He was selected by his old law partner. General Sherman, 
to lead the assault on Kennesaw Mountain. After all the 
arrangements for the assault had been made, the brigade 
was formed in regiment front and four deep. Just before 
the assault Colonel McCook recited to his men in a per- 
fectly calm manner the stanzas from Macaulay's " Hora- 
tius" in which occur these lines . 

Then out spoke brave Horatius, 

The captain of the gate : 
" To every man upon this earth 

Death cometh soon or late. 
And how can man die better 

Than facing fearful odds, 
For the ashes of his fathers 

And the temples of his gods ?*' 

Then he gave the word of command and dashed forward. 
He had reached the top of the enemy's works, and was 
encouraging his men to follow, when he was riddled witli 



36o 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 



minle balls and fell back wounded unto death. For his 
courage and gallantry in this assault he was promoted to 
the full rank of brigadier-general, an honor which he did 
not live to enjoy, as he survived but a few days. He died 
July 21, 1864. 

Seventh son, Edward Stanton McCook, was born at 
Carrollton, O., March 26, 1837. ^^ "^as educated in the 
United States Naval Academy, at Annapolis, but, pre- 
ferring the other arm of the, service, when the Civil War 
began, he recruited a company and joined the Thirty-first 
Illinois Infantry, of which his friend, John A. Logan, was 
colonel. He served with his regiment at the battles of 
Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, where he was severely 
wounded. In his promotions he succeeded General Logan, 
and followed him in the command of regiment, brigade, and 
division throughout the Vicksburg and other campaigns 
under Grant, in the Chattanooga and Atlanta campaigns 
and in the march to the sea under Sherman. 

He was promoted to the rank of full brigadier and 
brevet major-general for his services in these campaigns. 
He was three times severely wounded, but survived the 
war. While acting Governor of Dakota, and in presiding 
over a public meeting, September 1 1, 1873, he was shot and 
killed by a man who was not in sympathy with the object 
of the meeting. 

Eighth son, Charles Morris McCook, was born at Car- 
rollton, O., November 13, 1843. ^^ ^^^ ^ member of the 
freshman class at Kenyon College when the war began, 
and, although less than eighteen years of age, volunteered 
as a private soldier in the Second Ohio Infantry for three 
months' service. Secretary Stanton offered him a lieuten- 
ant's commission in the regular army, but he preferred to 
serve as a volunteer. 




lJ o S UH I UAU O 




REPRESENTATIVE C. H. GROSVENOR. 




SEXOR rOLO Y BERNABE. 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 363 

At the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1 861, he served with 
his regiment, which was covering the retreat of the shat- 
tered army. As he passed a field hospital he saw his 
father, who had volunteered as a nurse, at work among the 
wounded, and stopped to assist him, the regiment passing 
on. As he started to rejoin his company young McCook 
was surrounded by an officer and several troopers of the 
famous Black Horse Cavalry, who demanded his surrender. 
His musket was loaded, and he quickly disabled the officer, 
and, as he was highly trained in the bayonet exercise, kept 
the other horsemen at bay. His father, seeing the odds 
against the lad, called to him to surrender, to which he 
replied, " Father, I will never surrender to a rebel," and a 
moment after was shot down by one of the cavalrymen. 

Ninth son, John J. McCook, was born at Carrollton, O., 
May 25, 1845. H^ w^s a student at Kenyon College, when 
the war began, and, after completing his freshman year, en- 
listed in the Sixth Ohio Cavalry. He was promoted to a first 
lieutenancy on September 1 2, 1862, and was assigned to duty 
on the staff of Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, commanding a 
corps of the Army of the Ohio, which subsequently became 
the Twenty-first Corps of the Army of the Cumberland. 

He served in the campaigns of Perry ville, Stone's River, 
Tullahoma, Chattanooofa and Chickamauofa, with the Wes- 
tern armies, and in General Grant's campaign with the 
Army of the Potomac, from the battle of the Wilderness to 
the crossing of James River. He was commissioned a cap- 
tain and aide-de-camp of United States volunteers in Sep- 
tember, 1863, and was breveted major of volunteers for 
gallant and meritorious services in action at Shady Grove, 
Va., where he was severely and dangerously wounded. He 
was afterwards made lieutenant-colonel and colonel for gal- 
lant and meritorious services in the same campaign. Colonel 



364 A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 

McCook survives, the only member but one of a family of 
ten when the war began, and is a lawyer engaged in active 
practice in New York City. 

//. The John McCook Branch. 

Dr. John McCook was born and educated at Cannons- 
burg, Pa. 

Dr. McCook practiced medicine for many years in New 
Lisbon, O., whence he removed to Steubenville. He was 
an ardent patriot, and, although a lifelong Democrat, joined 
the Union-Republican party and gave the whole weight of 
his influence and service to the support of the government 
during the Civil War. He died just after its close, October 
II, 1865, at the headquarters of his son, Gen. Anson G. 
McCook, in Washington, D. C, during a temporary visit. 

Major-General Edward Moody McCook, his eldest son, 
was born at Steubenville, O., June 15, 1833. He was one of 
the earliest settlers in the Pike's Peak region, where he had 
gone to practice his profession, law. He represented that 
district in the Legislature of Kansas, before the division of 
the Territory. He was temporarily in Washington in the 
troubled era preceding the war, and by a daring feat as a 
volunteer secret agent for the government, won such ap- 
probation that hq was appointed into the regular army as a 
lieutenant of cavalry. At the outbreak of the rebellion he 
was appointed major of the Second Indiana Cavalry, rose 
rapidly to the ranks of colonel, brigadier and major-general, 
and after brilliant and effective service, retired at the close 
of the war with the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the regular 
army. His most difficult and dangerous service, perhaps, 
was penetrating the enemy's lines by way of diversion pre- 
vious to Sherman's march to the sea. He returned from 
this " forlorn hope," having inflicted great damage upon the 
enemy, defeated and captured a large number, whom he 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 



365 



was compelled to release, and retired in the face of Hood's 
entire army. He resigned from the regular army to accept 
the appointment of United States Minister to the Sandwich 
Islands. He was subsequently twice appointed Governor 
of Colorado Territory by President Grant. 

Second son, Brigadier-General Anson George McCook, 
was born at Steubenville, Ohio, October 10, 1835, and at 
an early age crossed the plains to California, where he 
spent several years. He returned shortly before the war, 
and was engaged in the study of law. At the outbreak of 
the rebellion he promptly raised a company of volunteers, 
and was elected captain of the company, which was the 
first to enter the service from eastern Ohio. He was 
assigned to the Second Ohio Regiment, and took part in 
the first battle of Bull Run. Upon the reorganization of 
the troops he was appointed major of the Second Ohio, 
and rose by death and resignation of his seniors to the 
rank of colonel. At the battle of Peach Tree Creek, near 
Atlanta, he commanded a brigade. He was in action in 
many of the principal battles of the West, including those 
of Perryville, Stone's River, Lookout Mountain, Missionary 
Ridge, Resaca, etc. On the muster-out of the Second 
Ohio, at the close of the three years' service, he was ap- 
pointed colonel of the One Hundred and Ninety-fourth 
Ohio, and was ordered to Virginia, where he was assigned 
to command a brigade. He was breveted a brigadier- 
general at the close of the war. He returned to Steuben- 
ville, whence, after several years' residence, he removed to 
New York City, his present residence. He served six 
years in Congress from the Eighth New York District in 
the Forty-fifth, Forty-sixth and Forty-seventh Congresses. 
He is, at present, Secretary of the United States Senate. 

'Hiird son. Rev. Henry C. McCook, D. D., was born July 



366 A FIGHTIAG AMERICAN FAMILY. 

3, 1837, at New Lisbon, Ohio. He was a student in the 
Western Theological Seminary, Allegheny City, on the 
outbreak of the rebellion, and having made an engagement 
to go West to spend his summer vacation, stopped at Clin- 
ton, De Witt county. 111. Here he was actively engaged 
in raising troops for the service until the first battle of Bull 
Run, when he enhsted as a private soldier, stumped the 
county to raise troops, and was mustered into the Forty- 
first Illinois as first lieutenant. He was appointed chaplain 
of the regiment, and returned home for ordination by the 
Presbytery of Steubenville, Ohio. He served for less than 
a year, and resigned with the intention of taking another 
position in the army ; but, convinced that he could serve 
his country best in a public position at home, returned to 
his church at Clinton. 

Fourth son. Commander Roderic Sheldon McCook, U. S. 
N., was born in New Lisbon, Ohio, March 10, 1839. He 
graduated at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, in 1859, and 
his first service was off the Congo River, Africa, whence 
he was sent home with a prize crew in charge of a captured 
slaver. From 1861 to 1865 he took active part in aggressive 
operations before New Berne, Wilmington, Charleston, 
Fort Fisher and on the James River. At New Berne he 
bore an active and successful part in the battle on land. 
He offered himself and the services of his marines to the 
land force in moving a battery of guns from his vessel. 
With this battery he took a conspicuous part in the con- 
flict, and had the honor of receiving the surrender of a 
Confederate regiment of infantry, probably the only sur- 
render of this sort which occurred during the Civil War. 
During his arduous services with monitors, particularly the 
Canonicus at Fort Fisher, he seriously impaired his health. 
He was engaged in the operations on the James River, and 



A FIGHTING AMERICAN FAMILY. 367 

also those ending in the surrender of Charleston. He 
attained the grade of commander, September 25th, 1873. 
Failing in health, he was retired from active service Febru- 
ary 23, 1885. 

The fifth son and sixth child, Rev. Prof. John James 
McCook, was born at New Lisbon, Ohio, February 4, 1843. 
He served as lieutenant in the First Virginia Volunteers 
during a short campaign in West Virginia, a regiment re- 
cruited almost exclusively from Ohio. There were so many 
volunteers from this state that its quota of regiments was 
immediately filled, and many of its citizens entered the ser- 
vice with regiments from other states. He was at Kelleys- 
ville, one of the earliest engagements of the war. He was 
afterward rector of St. John's, Detroit, and is now of St. 
John's, East Hartford. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL, FROM AN 

EMPIRE. 

The Transformation of the Empire of Brazil to a Republic was more easily 
accomplished by the Liberal-mindedness of the Emperor — Brazil, on 
account of her Gold Fields, at one time received the attention of the 
Various Powers of Europe — Napoleon was the prime Cause of the Estab- 
lishment of the Empire of Brazil, and the Just and Liberal-minded 
Emperor, Don Pedro II. was the Cause of the Long Delay in Establish- 
ing the Brazilian Republic. 

The last Emperor of Brazil was understood to be a Re- 
publican gentleman, and was indefatigable in industry, seek- 
ing knowledge that he might apply it to the promotion of 
the welfare of his country. He was a fine and imposing 
figure at the Centennial Exposition of the United States 
in 1876, and his investigaUons taxed the strength and ex- 
hausted the intelligence of many exhibitors. Though the 
people of the United States have not been especially fond 
of American Emperors, they respected and liked the hearty 
Emperor of Brazil, were pleased to see him, and did not 
rejoice in his misfortunes, fond as they are of the extension 
of the area of Republican freedom. 

The annals of Brazil have lacked the tragic interest of 
those of Paraguay, Chili, Peru and Venezuela. The Rev. 
James C. Fletcher gives this account of the origin of the 
name of the vast country in South America that is, in a 
grand sense, geographically an Empire, though enjoying a 
Republican form of government: 

" As the most valuable part of the cargo which Americus 
Vespucius brought back to Europe was the well-known 
dyewood, CcEsalpinia Braziliensis, called in the Portuguese 
368 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 369 

language pau brazil, on account of its resemblance to brazas, 
' coals of fire,' the land whence it came was termed ' the 
land of the brazil-wood ; ' and, finally, this appellation was 
shortened to Brazil, and completely usurped the names 
Vera Cruz or Santa Cruz. This change was not effected 
without protestations on the part of some, not because their 
taste for euphony was shocked, but on the ground that the 
cause of religion required a sacred title to the fairest pos- 
session of faithful Lusitania in the New World. One of 
the reverendissimos declared that it was through the express 
interposition of the devil that such a choice and lovely land 
should be called Brazil instead of the pious cognomen 
given to it by Cabral." 

" Other eyes," say Fletcher and Kidder, " than those of 
Spanish navigators were looking toward Brazil, and to that 
very portion of it which had been slighted by Martin Alfonso 
de Souza. Among the adventurers from France was Nich- 
olas Durand de Villegagnon, a Knight of Malta, a man of 
considerable abilities, and of some distinction in the French 
service. He had even been appointed to the gallant post 
of commander of the vessel which bore Mary, Queen of 
Scots, from France to her own realms. Villegagnon aspired 
to the honor of establishing a colony in the New World, and 
Rio de Janeiro was the chosen spot for his experiment. 

" For one hundred and forty years after its foundation, the 
city of San Sebastian enjoyed a state of tranquil prosperity. 
This quietness was in happy contrast with the turbulent 
spirit of the age, and especially with the condition of the 
principal towns and colonies of Brazil ; nearly all of which, 
during the period referred to, had been attacked by either 
the English, the Dutch, or the French. In this interval the 
population and commerce of the place greatly increased. 

" At the commencement of the eighteenth century the 



370 THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 

principal gold mines of the interior were discovered by the 
Paiilistas — the inhabitants of San Paulo. These gave the 
names of Minas Gerais (General Mines) to a large inland 
province, which became then, as it still remains, tributary 
to the port of Rio de Janeiro. Gold-digging was found to 
produce here, effects similar to those which resulted from it 
in the Spanish countries. Agriculture was nearly aban- 
doned ; the price of slaves, who had been early introduced, 
became enormous, and the general prosperity of the country 
retrograded ; while every one who could, rushed to the 
mines, in hope of speedily enriching himself. We even 
find that the curious and abnormal condition of Cali- 
fornia in 1848 had its counterpart three centuries ago in 
Brazil. 

"The system of government maintained during these 
periods throughout Brazil was absolute in the extreme, and 
by no means calculated to develop the great resources of 
the country. Nevertheless, it was anticipated by the more 
enlightened statesmen of Portugal, that the colony would 
some day eclipse the glory of the mother-country. None, 
however, could foresee the proximity of those events which 
were about to drive the royal family (the house of Brag- 
anza) to seek an asylum in the New World, and to establish 
their court at Rio de Janeiro. The close of the eighteenth 
century witnessed their development. 

"The French Revolution, and the leading spirit which 
was raised up by it, involved the slumbering kingdom of 
Portugal in the troubles of the continent. Napoleon deter- 
mined that the court of Lisbon should declare itself against 
its ancient ally, England, and assent to the Continental 
system adopted by the imperial ruler of France. The 
Prince-Regent, Dom John VL, promised, but hesitated, de- 
layed, and finally, too late, declared war against England. 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 371 

The vacillation of the Prince-Regent hastened events to a 
crisis. The English fleet, under Sir Sydney Smith, estab- 
lished a most rigorous blockade at the mouth of the Tagus, 
and the British ambassador left no other alternative to Dom 
John VI. than to surrender to England the Portuguese fleet, 
or to avail himself of the British squadron for the protec- 
tion and transportation of the royal family to Brazil. The 
moment was critical : the army of Napoleon had penetrated 
the mountains of Beira ; only an immediate departure 
would save the monarchy. No resource remained to the 
Prince-Regent but to choose between a tottering throne in 
Europe, and a vast empire in America. His indecisions 
were at an end. By a royal decree he announced his 
intention to retire to Rio de Janeiro until the conclusion of 
a general peace. The archives, the treasures, and the 
most precious effects of the crown were transferred to the 
Portuguese and English fleets ; and on the 29th of Novem- 
ber, 1807, accompanied by his family and a multitude of 
faithful followers, the Prince-Regent took his departure 
amid the combined salvos of the cannon of Great Britain 
and of Portugal. That very day Marshal Junot thundered 
upon the heights of Lisbon, and the next morning took 
possession of the city. Early in January, 1808, the news 
of these surprising events reached Rio de Janeiro. 

"The fleet having been scattered in a storm, the princi- 
pal vessels had put into Bahia, where Dom John VI. gave 
that carte regia which opened the ports of Brazil to the 
commerce of the world. At length all made a safe entry 
into the harbor of Rio on the 7th of March, 1808. In the 
manifestations of joy upon this occasion, the houses were 
deserted, and the hills were covered with spectators. Those 
|i ; who could, procured boats and sailed out to meet the royal 

squadron. The prince, immediately after landing, pro 



372 THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 

ceeded to the cathedral, and pubUcly offered thanks for his 
safe arrival. 

"On the arrival of the Prince-Regent the ports were 
thrown open. A printing-press was introduced, and a 
Royal Gazette was published. Academies of medicine and 
the fine arts were established. The Royal Library con- 
taining sixty thousand volumes of books, was opened for 
the free use of the public. Foreigners were invited, and 
embassies from England and France took up their residence 
at Rio de Janeiro. 

" Business assumed an aspect equally changed. Foreign 
commercial houses were opened, and foreign artisans es- 
tablished themselves in Rio and other cities. 

"This country could no longer remain a colony, A de- 
cree was promulgated in December, 1815, declaring it ele- 
vated to the dignity of a kingdom, and hereafter to form an 
integral part of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Algarves, 
and Brazil. It is scarcely possible to imagine the enthu- 
siasm awakened by this unlooked-for change throughout 
the vast extent of Portuguese America. Messengers were 
despatched to bear the news, which was hailed with spon- 
taneous illuminations from the La Plata to the Amazon. 
Scarcely was this event consummated when the queen, 
Donna Maria I., died. 

" There had always been, to a greater or less extent, a 
certain rivalry between the native Brazilian and the Por- 
tuguese ; but now it found a new cause of excitement. The 
government felt itself bound to find places for the more 
than twenty thousand needy and unprincipled adventurers 
who had followed the royal family to the new world. 
These men cared very little for the welfare of Brazil, either 
in the administration of justice or in acts for the benefit of 
the public. Their greatest interest by far was manifested 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 373 

in the eager desire to fleece the country and enrich them- 
selves. Honors were heaped upon those Brazilians who 
had furnished house and money to the Prince-Regent, and, 
as he had nothing to give them but decorations, he was 
soon surrounded by knights who had never displayed either 
chivalry or learning, and the most degrading sycophancy 
was practiced to obtain the royal favor. 

" On this ground the native Brazilians and the newly ar- 
rived Portuguese fought their first battles. They were rivals 
for place, and, once in office, the Brazilian was as open to 
every species of bribery and corruption as the most venal 
hanger-on of the court of Lisbon. The Brazilians, how- 
ever, had one advantage over their adversaries. The na- 
tives sympathized most fully with their recendy knighted 
brethren and listened to their complaints with a willing 
ear. The independence of the North American colonies 
and the successful revolutionary struggle of some of the 
neighboring Spanish-American provinces still more aug- 
mented the uneasiness of the people, and a consciousness 
of this increasing discontent, and a fear that Brazil might 
be induced to follow the example of her revolting Spanish 
neighbors, doubtless had a powerful influence upon the 
government In making the concessions named. 

"Tranquillity followed the erection of Brazil into a con- 
stituent portion of the kingdom, but it was of short dura- 
tion. Discontent was at work. The intended revolt at 
Pernambuco in 1817 was betrayed to the government, and 
the insurgents were prematurely compelled to take up 
arms, and suffered defeat from the troops sent against 
them' by the Count dos Arcos. From this time there seems 
to have been a systematic exclusion of native Brazilians 
from commands in the army. 

" Murmurs were gradually disseminated; but they found 



374 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 



no echoes — as in the case of the North American colonies — 
from the press, which had, with the common schools, followed 
the immediate wake of the English colonists. The first, 
and at that time, the only printing press in the country, was 
brought from Lisbon in 1808, and was under the direct 
control of the royal authorities. Its columns faithfully 
recorded, for the Brazilian public, the health of all the 
European princes. It was filled with official edicts, birth- 
day odes, and panegyrics on the royal family; but its pages 
were unsullied by the ebullitions of the Democracy, or the 
exposure of their grievances. As has been well said by 
Armitage, ' to have judged of the country by the tone of its 
only journal, it must have been pronounced a terrestrial 
paradise, where no word of complaint had ever yet found 
utterance.' 

" But at length the time arrived when the monotony of 
the Court Gazette was interrupted, and the people soon 
found voices for their grievances, and in the end substantial 
redress. The revolution which occurred in Portugal in 
182 1, in favor of a Constitution, was immediately responded 
to by a similar one in Brazil. 

" After much excitement and alarm from the tumultuous 
movements of the people, the King, Dom John VI., conferred 
upon his son Dom Pedro, Prince-Royal, the office of Regent 
and Lieutenant to His Majesty in the kingdom of Brazil. 
He then hastened his departure for Portugal, accompanied 
by the remainder of his family, and the principal nobility 
who had followed him. The disheartened monarch em- 
barked on board a line-of-battle ship on the 24th of April, 
1 82 1, leaving the widest and fairest portion of his dominions 
to a destiny not indeed unlooked for by his Majesty, but 
which was fulfilled much sooner than his melancholy fore- 
bodings anticipated. 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZH. 



375 



" Dom Pedro had left Portugal when a mere lad, and it 
was believed that his highest aspirations were associated 
with the land of his adoption. In the office of Prince-Regent 
he certainly found scope for his most ardent ambition; but 
he also discovered himself to be surrounded with numerous 
difficulties, political and financial. So embarrassing, indeed, 
was his situation that in the course of a few months he 
begged his father to allow him to resign his office and 
attributes. The Cortes of Portugal, about this time becom- 
ing jealous of the position of the Prince in Brazil, passed a 
decree ordering him to return to Europe, and at the same 
time abolishing the royal tribunals at Rio. The decree was 
received with indignation by the Brazilians, who imme- 
diately rallied around Dom Pedro and persuaded him to 
remain amongf them. His consent to do so eave rise to 
the most enthusiastic demonstrations of joy among both 
patriots and loyalists. The Portuguese military soon 
evinced symptoms of mutiny. 

"A conflict seemed inevitable ; but the Portuguese com- 
mander vacillated in view of the determined opposition 
manifested by the people, who flew to arms, and offered to 
capitulate on the condition of his soldiers retaining their 
arms. This was conceded on their agreeing to retire to 
Praia Grande, a city on the opposite side of the bay, until 
transports could be provided for their embarkation to Lis- 
bon, which was subsequently effected. The measures of 
the Cortes of Portugal, which continued to be arbitrary in 
the extreme toward Brazil, finally had the effect to hasten, 
in the latter country, a declaration of absolute independ- 
ence. This measure had long been ardently desired by the 
more enlightened Brazilians, some of whom had already 
urged Dom Pedro to assume the title of Emperor. Hitherto 
he had refused, and reiterated his allegiance to Portugal. 



376 THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 

But he at length, while on a journey to the province of San 
Paulo, received despatches from the mother-country, which 
had the effect of cutting short all delay, and caused him to 
declare for independence in a manner so decided and 
explicit that henceforward all retrograde measures would 
be utterly impracticable. 

"On the 7th of September, 1822, when he read the des- 
patches, he was surrounded by his courtiers, on those beau- 
tiful campinas in sight of San Paulo, a city which had ever 
been, as it is now, celebrated in Brazil for the liberality and 
intelligence of its inhabitants. It was then on the margin 
of an insignificant stream — the Ypiranga — that he made that 
exclamation, ' Independencia ou tiio^-te ' (independence or 
death), which because the watchword of the Brazilian Revo- 
lution ; and from the 7th of September, 1822, the independ- 
ence of the country has since held its official date. It has 
been truly said that in the eyes of the civilized world it was 
a memorable circumstance, and must ever form an epoch 
in the history of the Western continent. 

" It was indeed a great event, which led to vast results. It 
was a grand revolution, begun by one whose very birth and 
position would have led the contemplative philosopher or 
statesman to pronounce it impossible that he should become 
the leader of a popular cause. It was the descendant of a 
long line of European monarchs who inaugurated that 
movement which severed the last — the most faithful — of 
the great division of South America from trans-adantic 
rule. 

" The Brazilian revolution was comparatively a bloodless 
one. The glory of Portugal was already waning ; her re- 
sources were exhausted and her energies crippled by inter- 
nal dissensions. 

" That nation made nothing like a systematic and perse- 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. T^yy 

veringr effort to maintain her ascendancy over her loner-de- 
pressed but now rebelHous colony. The insulting measures 
of the Cortes were consummated only in their vaporincr 
decrees. The Portuguese dominion was maintained for 
some dme in Bahia and other ports, which had been occu- 
pied by military forces. So litde contested, indeed, and so 
rapid was this revolution, that in less than three years from 
the time independence was declared on the plains of Ypi- 
ranga, Brazil was acknowledged to be independent at the 
court of Lisbon. In the meantime the Emperor had been 
crowned as Dom Pedro I., and an assembly of delegates 
from the provinces had been convoked for the formation of 
a constitution. 

" The administration of Dom Pedro I. condnued about ten 
years, and, during its lapse, the country unquestionably 
made greater advances in intelligence than it had done in 
three centuries which intervened between its first discovery 
and the proclamation of the Portuguese Constitudon in 1 820. 
Nevertheless, this administration was not without its faults 
or its difficulties. Dom Pedro, although not tyrannical, was 
imprudent. He was energetic, but inconstant ; an admirer 
of the representative form of government, but hesitating in 
its practical enforcement. 

" In addition to the imprudence and inconstancy of the 
Emperor, it was said — and not without truth — that his habits 
were extravagant and his morals extremely defective. And 
yet, the main cause of his personal unpopularity seems to 
have consisted in his never having known how to become 
the man of his people — in his never having constituted him- 
self entirely and truly a Brazilian. His institution of a secret 
cabinet and his appointment of naturalized Portuguese 
to the highest offices of the State, to the apparent exclusion 
of natives of the soil, had, among a jealous people, given 



378 THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 

rise to the universal impression that the monarch himself 
was still a Portuguese at heart." 

After various popular agitations, which had the continual 
effect of widening the breach between the Imperial party 
and the patriots, the populace of Rio de Janeiro assembled 
in the Campo de Santa Anna on the 6th of April, 1831, 
and began to call for the dismissal of the new ministry, and 
for the reinstatement of some individuals who had that 
very morning been dismissed. Dom Pedro I., on being in- 
formed of the assemblage and the objects, issued a pro- 
clamation, signed by himself and the existing ministry, 
assuring them that the administration was perfectly consti- 
tutional, and that its members would be governed by con- 
stitutional principles. A justice of the peace was despatched 
to read this to the people ; yet scarcely had he concluded 
when the document was torn from his hands and trampled 
under foot. The cry for the reinstatement of the cabinet 
became louder; the multitude momentarily increased in 
numbers; and, about six o'clock in the afternoon, three 
justices of the peace (in Spanish-American, it would have 
been a battalion of soldiers) were despatched to the Im- 
perial residence to demand that the " ministry who had the 
confidence of the people " — as the late cabinet were desig- 
nated — should be reappointed. 

The emperor listened to their requisition, but refused to 
accede to their request. He exclaimed, " I will do every- 
thing for the people, but nothing by the people ! " 

No sooner was this answer made known in the Campo, 
than more seditious cries were raised, and the troops 
began to assemble there for the purpose of making com- 
mon cause with the multitude. Further representations 
were made to the Emperor, but were unavailing. He 
declared that he would suffer death rather than consent to 




REPRESENTATIVE JOSEPH W. BAILEY, 



THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 381 

the dictation of the mob. It was two o'clock in the morn- 
ing when he sat down, without asking- the advice of any 
one, or even informing the ministry of his resolution, and 
wrote out his abdication in the following terms : 

" Availing myself of the right which the Constitution conceded to me, I 
declare that I have voluntarily abdicated in favor of my dearly-beloved and 
esteemed son, Dom Pedro de Alcantara. 

" Boa Vista, 7th April, 1831, tenth year ) 
of the Independence of the Empire." j 

He then rose, and, addressing himself to the messenger 
from the Campo, said, " Here is my abdication : may you 
be happy ! I shall retire to Europe and leave the country 
that I have loved and that I still love." Tears now choked 
his utterance and he hastily retired to an adjoining room, 
where were the Empress and the English and French 
ambassadors. 

He loved the country of his adoption ; and a few days 
after the memorable night of his abdication, as he gazed 
for the last time upon the city of Rio de Janeiro, the mag- 
nificent bay and the lofty mountains, he poured, from a full 
heart, a touching farewell to his son Dom Pedro II., in 
which not only is parental tenderness manifest, but a deep 
solicitude for the land whose destiny at one time seemed 
so closely linked to his own. 

Dom Pedro 11. was born in Rio de Janeiro, December 2, 
1825, and was crowned July 18, 1841. After his accession 
to the throne, Brazil steadily increased in power and use- 
fulness. The Emperor possessed remarkable literary and 
scientific aquirements, was a just and liberal sovereign, and 
enjoyed the warm affection of his people. However, the 
love of liberty and absolute Republican independence per- 
vaded the atmosphere in North and South America, and an 

23 



382 THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL. 

Empire, though directed by the most liberal and just of 
monarchs, was yet not a Republic. 

Though the Empire of Brazil had existed for almost sixty 
years, it was not surprising that the time would come when it 
would follow the example of its neighbors and establish a 
government directed by the people. On November 14, 
1889, and the succeeding days, a revolution broke out, 
which, in many respects, was a remarkable event. The 
outside world had no suspicion that a strong republican 
feeling existed in Brazil, or that any dissatisfaction was felt 
at the course of the aged Emperor, who had reigned in 
peace and prosperity for fifty years. The revolution is also 
notable for the swiftness with which it succeeded, and for 
the absence of riot and violence during its brief progress. 

It appears that the Emperor had no partisans, even in 
his own capital, to strike a blow for him, nor does the 
Emperor himself seem to have, for a moment, thought of 
resisting the revolutionary tide. He simply awaited the 
good pleasure of the successful chiefs of the Republican 
party ; and their good pleasure was that he should sail for 
Portugal. Set sail, he did, without a word of remonstrance 
or even of regret. Thus quickly and quietly passed away 
the only monarch remaining in the Western Hemisphere, 
and thus was the circle of American republics made at last 
complete by the memorable accession to them of the United 
States of Brazil. It is important to note that this event 
completed the chain of self-governing American nations 
from Canada to Cape Horn, interrupted only by the islands 
of Cuba and Porto Rico, which were still in the grasp of 
mediaeval misgovernment. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

The Picturesqueness, Commercial Value and Historic Interest of the Philippine 
Islands — The Agricultural Industry as Manipulated by the Natives — 
Manila one of the Greatest Commercial Centres of the Orient — The Siege 
of Manila by the English in the Year 1762 — A Historical Coincidence. 

The most populous and prosperous province of the 
Philippines, takes its name from the fortification of Manila ; 
and the port of Manila is among the best-known and most 
frequented harbors of the Eastern world. The capital is 
renowned for the splendor of its religious processions, for 
the excellence of its cheroots, which, to the east of the Cape 
of Good Hope, are generally preferred to the cigars of 
Havana ; while the less honorable characteristics of the peo- 
ple are known to be a universal love of gambling, which is 
exhibited among the Indian races by a passion for cock- 
fighting, an amusement, made a productive source of 
revenue to the state. Artists usually introduce a Philippine 
Indian with a game-cock under his arm, to which he seems 
as much attached as a Bedouin Arab to his horse. It is 
said that many a time an Indian has allowed his wife and 
children to perish in the flames, when his house has taken 
fire, but was never known to fail in securing his favorite 
gallo from danger. 

The bay of Manila, one of the finest in the world, and the 
river Pasig which flows into it, were, no doubt, the great 
recommendations of the position chosen for the capital of 
the Philippines, During the four months of March, April, 
May and June, the heat and dust are very oppressive, and 

383 



3^4 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



the mosquitoes a fearful annoyance. These months are 
followed by a rainy season, but on the whole the climate is 
good, and the general mortality not great. The average 
temperature through the year is 81° Fahrenheit. 

There is a quarantine station at Cavite, a town of consid- 
erable importance on the other side of the harbor. It has a 
large manufacturing establishment of cigars, and gives ils 
name to the surrounding province, which has about 57,000 
inhabitants, among whom are about 7,000 mestizos (mixed 
race) . 

The life at Manila is said to be intolerably monotonous, 
and Sir John Bowring, in " A Visit to the Philippine Islands," 
says : " In my short stay it appeared to me full of interest 
and animation, but I was perhaps privileged. The city is 
certainly not lively, and the Spaniard is generally grave, 
but he is warm-hearted and hospitable, and must not be 
studied at a distance nor condemned with precipitancy. 
He is, no doubt, susceptible and pundonoroso, but is rich in 
noble qualities. Confined, as is the population of Manila 
within the fortification walls, the neighboring country is 
full of attractions. To me, the villages, the beautiful tropi- 
cal vegetation, the banks of the rivers, and the streams 
adorned with scenery so picturesque and pleasing, were 
more inviting than the gayety of the public parade. Every 
day afforded some variety, and most of the pueblos have 
their characteristic distinctions. Malate is filled with pub- 
lic offices, and women employed in ornamenting slippers 
with gold and silver embroidery. Santa Ana is a favorite 
Villagiatura for the merchants and opulent inhabitants. 
Near Paco, is the cemetery, ' where dwell the multitude,' 
in which are interred the remains of many of the once 
distinguished who have ceased to be. Guadalupe is illus- 
trious for its miraculous image, and Paco, for that of the 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



385 



Saviour. The Lake of Arroceros (as its name implies) 
is one of the principal gathering places for boats laden 
with rice ; near it, too, are large manufactories of paper 
cigars. Edifices of superior construction are generally the 
abodes of the mestizos, or of the gobernadorcillos belonging 
to the different pueblos. 

" Philip the Third gave armorial bearings to the capital, 
and conferred on it the title of the ' Very Noble City of 
Manila,' and attached the dignity of 'Excellency' to the 
Ayuntamiento (municipality). 

" During- my stay at Manila, every afternoon, at five or 
six o'clock, the Governor-General called for me at my 
apartments, and escorted by cavalry lancers we were con- 
veyed in a carriage and four to different parts of the neigh- 
borhood, the rides lasting from one to two hours. We 
seldom took the same road, and thus visited, not only all 
the villages in the vicinity, but passed through much 
beautiful country, in which the attention was constantly 
arrested by the groups of graceful bamboos, the tall cocoa- 
nut trees, the large-leafed plantains, the sugar-cane, the 
papaya, the green paddy-fields, in which many people were 
fishing — and who knows when the fields are dry what be- 
comes of the fish, for they never fail to appear again when 
irrigation has taken place — and that wonderful variety and 
magnificence of tropical vegetation — leaves and flowers so 
rich and crorgreous, on which one never becomes tired of 
gazing." 

Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., in his description of the ex- 
ploring expedition of 1838-42, writes : 

"So far as our information and observations went, the 
whole of the Philippine Islands are of similar geological 
formation. In some of the islands the volcanic rock pre- 
vails, while in others coal and the metalliferous deposits 



386 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



predominate. On some of them the coal-beds form part 
of the diffs along the shore ; on others copper is found in 
a chlorite and talcose state. The latter is more particu- 
larly the case with Luzon, and the same formation extends 
to Mindoro. Much iron occurs on the mountains. Thus, 
among the Tagala natives, who are as yet unsubdued by 
the Spaniards, and who inhabit these mountains, it is found, 
by them, of so pure a quality that it is manufactured into 
swords and cleavers. These are occasionally obtained by 
the Spaniards in their excursions into the interior against 
these bands. 

"The country around Manila is composed of tufa of a 
light grey color, which, being soft and easily worked, is 
employed as the common building material in the city. It 
contains, sometimes, scoria and pumice, in pieces of various 
sizes, besides occasional impressions of plants, with petrified 
woods. These are confined to recent species, and include 
palms, etc. 

"This tufa forms one of the remarkable features of the 
volcanoes of the Philippine Islands, showing a strong con- 
trast between them and those of the Pacific Islands which 
have ejected litde else than lava and scoria. 

" Few portions of the globe seem to be so much the seat 
of internal fires, or to exhibit the effects of volcanic acdon 
so strongly as the Philippines. During our visit it was not 
known that any of the volcanoes were in action ; but many 
of them were smoking, particularly that in the district of 
Albay, called Isaroc. Its latest eruption was in the year 
1 839 ; but this did litde damage compared with that of 
1 8 14, which covered several villages, and the country for a 
great distance around, with ashes. This mountain is situ- 
ated to the southeast of Manila one hundred and fifty miles, 
and is said to be a perfect cone, with a crater at its apex. 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



387 



'• It does not appear that the islands are much affected by 
earthquakes, although some have occasionally occurred 
that have done damage to the churches at Manila. 

" The coal, which we have spoken of, is deemed of value ; 
it has a strong resemblance to the bituminous coal of our 
own country, possesses a bright lustre, and appears very free 
from all woody texture when fractured. It is found asso- 
ciated with sandstone, which contains many fossils. Lead 
and copper are reported as being very abundant ; gypsum 
and limestone occur in some districts. From this it will 
be seen that these islands have everything in the mineral 
way to constitute them desirable possessions. 

" With such mineral resources and a soil capable of pro- 
ducing the most varied vegetation of the tropics, a liberal 
policy is all that the country lacks. The products of the 
Philippine Islands consist of sugar, coffee, hemp, indigo, 
rice, tortoise-shells, hides, ebony, saffron- wood, sulphur, 
cotton, cordage, silk, pepper, cocoa, wax, and many other 
articles. In their agricultural operations the people are 
industrious, although much labor is lost by the use of defec- 
tive implements. The plough, of very simple construction, 
has been adopted from the Chinese ; it has no coulter, the 
share is flat, and being turned partly to one side, answers 
in a certain degree to the purpose of a mould board. This 
rude implement is sufficient for the rich soils, where the 
tillage depends chiefly upon the harrow, in constructing 
which, a thorny species of bamboo is used. The harrow is 
formed of five or six pieces of this material, on which the 
thorns are left, firmly fastened together. It answers its 
purpose well, and is seldom out of order. A wrought-iron 
harrow, that was introduced by the Jesuits, is used for 
clearing the ground more effectually, and more particularly 
for the purpose of extirpating a troublesome grass, that is 



388 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



known by the name of cogon (a species of Andropogon), 
of which it is very difficult to rid the fields. The bolo, or 
long-knife, a basket and hoe, complete the list of imple- 
ments, and answer all the purposes of our spades, etc." 

The buffalo is, perhaps, the most useful of Philippine 
quadrupeds. Immense herds of wild buffaloes are found 
in the interior, but the tamed animal is employed in the 
labors of the fields and the transport of commodities, 
whether on its back or in wagons. Its enjoyment is to be 
merged in water or mud. 

The buffalo was used, until within a few years, exclusively 
in their agriculture, and they have lately taken to the use of 
the ox ; but horses are never used. The buffalo, from the 
slowness of his motions and exceeding restlessness under 
the heat of the climate, is ill adapted to agricultural labor, 
but the natives are very partial to them, notwithstanding 
they occasion them much trouble in bathing them during 
the great heat. This is absolutely necessary, or the animal 
becomes so fretful as to be unfit for use. If it were not for 
this, the buffalo would, notwithstanding his slow pace, be a 
most effective animal in agricultural operations ; he requires 
litde food, and that of the coarsest kind ; his strength sur- 
passes that of the stoutest ox, and he is admirably adapted 
for the rice or paddy-fields. They are very docile when 
used by the natives, and even children can manage them, 
but it is said they have a great antipathy to the whites, and 
all strangers. The usual mode of guiding them is by a 
small cord attached to the cartilage of the nose. The yoke 
rests on the neck before the shoulders, and is of simple 
construction. To this is attached v/hatever it may be neces- 
sary to draw, either by traces, shafts, or other fastenings. 
Frequently this animal may be seen with large bundles of 
bamboo lashed to it on each side. Buffaloes are to be 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 389 

met with on the lake, with no more than their noses and 
eyes out of the water, and are not visible until they are 
approached within a few feet, when they cause alarm to the 
passengers by raising their large forms close to the boat. 
It is said that they resort to the lake to feed on a favorite 
grass that grows on its bottom in shallow water, and which 
they dive for. Their flesh is not eaten, except that of the 
young ones, for it is tough and tasteless. The milk is 
nutritious, and of a character between that of the goat and 

cow. 

The general appearance of the buffalo is that of a hybrid 
of the bull and rhinoceros. Its horns do not rise upwards, 
are very close at the roots, bent backwards, and of a trian- 
gular form, with a flat side above. One of the peculiarities 
of the buffalo is its voice, which is quite low, and in the 
minor key, resembling that of a young colt. It is as fond 
of mire as swine, and shows the consequence of recent wal- 
lowing, in being crusted over with mud. The skm is 
visible, being but thinly covered with hair; its color is 
usually that of a mouse, or occasionally darker. 

Rice is the principal agricultural product, the article 
upon which the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands depend 
most for food and profit ; of this they have several different 
varieties, which the natives distinguish by their size and the 
shape of the grain. 

Being of far more general production it is estimated 
to give an average yearly profit of from 1 2 to 20 per cent. ; 
coc'oanuts may be considered at about equal to rice in the 
yearly benefits they leave, but the conditions are so various 
that it may be dift^cult to generalize. It may, however, be 
asserted, with tolerable certainty, that money, employed with 
ordinary prudence, in agricultural investments will give an 
interest of from 20 to 30 per cent. 



opo THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

The consumption of rice is universal, and the superfluity 
of the harvests is taken to the Chinese markets. The 
varieties of rice may be classed under the two general 
heads of water and mountain rice. The aquatic rice is 
cultivated in Europe and America ; the sowing of the dry 
rice usually precedes that of the water rice, and takes place 
at the end of May. It is usually sown broadcast on the 
hills, requires to be hoed and weeded, and is ripened in 
from three to five months. 

There are four species of water-cultivated, and five of 
mountain-produced rice. Of the first-class, the lamuyo is 
principally cultivated, especially in Batangas. The barbed 
rice grows in Ilocos. Of the mountain rice, that called 
qicinanda is the most esteemed. The cultivation of the 
water rice begins by the preparation of the seed deposits 
into which, at the beginning of the rainy season, the seed is 
thrown, after a thorough impregnation of the ground with 
water, of which several inches remain on the surface. 
Ploughing and harrowing produce a mass of humid mud. 
During the growth of the seed, irrigation is continued, and 
after six weeks the crops are ready for transplanting to the 
rice-fields. Men generally pull up the plants and convey 
them to the fields, where women, up to their knees in mire 
separate the plants and place them in holes at a regular 
distance of about five inches from one another. They are 
left for some days to take root, when the grounds are again 
irrigated. The rice grows to the height of somewhat more 
than a yard, and after four months Is ready for harvest. It 
is a common usage to cut every ear separately with an in- 
strument whose Indian name \s yatap. In some parts a 
sickle called a lilit is used. The lilit has a crook by which 
a number of ears are collected, and, being grasped with the 
left hand, are cut by the serrated blade of the sickle held 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



391 



in the right hand. The crops of aquatic rice vary from 
thirty to eighty fold. 

The mountain rice is sown broadcast after ploughing and 
harrowing, and buffaloes are employed to trample the seed 
into the ground. More care is sometimes taken, and holes 
made at regular distances, into which three or four grains 
of rice are dropped. Careful cultivation and great atten- 
tion to the removal of weeds will produce hundred-fold 
crops. 

It is said that a third of the rice harvest has been known 
to perish in consequence of the dilatory and lazy way in 
which the reaping is conducted. 

The sugar cane thrives well here. It is planted after the 
French fashion, by sticking the piece diagonally into the 
ground. Some, finding the cane has suffered in times of 
drought, have adopted other modes. It comes to perfection 
in a year, and they seldom have two crops from the same 
piece of land, unless the season is very favorable. 

There are several varieties of the sugar-cane. The plant- 
ing of the sprouts takes place between February and May. 
Weeds are removed by ploughing, and the plants ripen in 
ten or twelve months. In some provinces crops are cul- 
tivated for three successive years ; in others, the soil is 
allowed to rest an intermediate year, and maize or other 
produce grown. When cut, the canes are carried to mills 
by the natives to be crushed. The mills consist of two 
cylindrical stones with teeth of the niolave wood ; a buffalo 
turns the wheel and the juice is conveyed to the boilers. 
The improvements of the West are being slowly intro- 
duced, and sundry economical processes have been adopted. 
Increasing demand, extended cultivation, and, above all, the 
application of larger capital and greater activity, will, un- 
doubtedly, make the Philippines one of the great producing 



2Q2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

countries. A variety of tables have been printed, showing 
that the average annual profits on coffee cultivation are 
from 20 to 30 per cent. ; in some provinces considerably 
more. 

The coffee plant is well adapted to these islands. A 
few plants were introduced into the gardens of Manila, 
during the end of the i8th Century, since which time it 
has been spread all over the island, as it is supposed, 
by the civet-cats, which, after swallowing the seeds, carry 
them to a distance before they are voided. 

The coffee of commerce is obtained from the wild plant, 
and is of an excellent quality. Upwards of tw^o thousand 
tons of coffee are now exported, of which one-sixth goes 
to the United States. 

Manila hemp is also a great article of commerce, especi- 
ally between these Islands and the United States. That 
which comes to the United States is principally manufac- 
tured into rope. A large quantity is also manufactured 
into mats. The exports of hemp in 1896 valued at 
^7,500,000, amounted to over 100,000 tons. 

It will be merely necessary to give the prices at which 
laborers are paid, to show how low the compensation is, in 
comparison with those in our own country. In the vicinity 
of Manila, twelve and a half cents per day is the usual 
wages ; this, in the provinces, falls to nine and even as low 
as six cents. A man with two buffaloes is paid about 
thirty cents. The amount of labor performed by the latter, 
in a day, would be the plowing of a soane, about two-tenths 
of an acre. The most profitable way of employing laborers 
is by the task, when, it is said, the natives work well, and 
are industrious. 

The manner in which the sugar and other produce is 
brought to market at Manila is peculiar, and deserves to be 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



393 



mentioned. In some of the villagfes the chief men unite to 
build a vessel, generally a pirogue, in which they embark their 
produce, under the conduct of a few persons who go to navi- 
gate it and dispose of the cargo. In due time they make 
their voyage, and when the accounts are settled, the returns 
are distributed to each according to his share. Festivites are 
then held, the saints thanked for their kindness, and bless- 
ings invoked for another year. After this is over the vessel 
is taken carefully to pieces and distributed among the 
owners to be preserved for the next season. 

The profits in the crops, according to estimates, vary 
from sixty to one hundred per cent., but it was thought, as 
a general average, that this was, notwithstanding the great 
productiveness of the soil, far beyond the usual profits ac- 
cruing from agricultural operations. In some provinces 
this estimate would hold good, and probably be exceeded. 

Indigo would probably be a lucrative crop, for that raised 
here is said to be of a quality equal to the best, and the 
crop is not subject to so many uncertainties as in India ; the 
capital and attention required in vats, etc., prevent it from 
being raised in any quantities. Among the productions 
the bamboo and rattan ought to claim a particular notice, 
from their great utility ; they enter into almost everything. 
Of the former their houses are built, including frames, floors, 
sides and roof; fences are made of the same material, as 
well as every article of household use. 

The total export trade of the Philippine Islands during 
1896 was over ^21,000,000, while the imports amounted 
to a little over ^i 1,000,000. 

The occupation of the Philippine Islands and the capture 
of Manila by our Asiatic Squadron calls to mind a coin- 
dence in the history of these Islands. They were visited 
by the English almost in the same way, and with the same 



394 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

result as in our case during the war with Spain. The 
account of the seige of Manila by the English which is 
here given, will be found very interesting. It has been 
taken from the historical writing of an eye-witness, Mar- 
tinez De Zuniga. 

"The courts of England and Spain had declared war in 
the month of November, 1761, but nothing of this was 
known at Manila, although there were reasons for our 
being, in some degree, on our guard. A priest, who held a 
correspondence with the English on the coast, received in- 
formation of an expedition which was preparing there. On 
the 14th of September, 1762, an English vessel appeared 
in the bay, which would not admit our officers on board, 
and having made soundings all over the bay, sailed again 
by the point of Mariveles. 

"The Mahicas Indians informed us they had seen a large 
ship of two tiers of guns, and manned with white men, the 
captain of which had put many questions to them respect- 
ing the ships which traded to New Spain. It afterwards 
appeared that an English fleet had sailed from Madras the 
beginning of August for the express purpose of taking 
Manila. 

"On the 2 2d of September, at half past five in the after- 
noon, a fleet was discovered consisting of thirteen sail, and 
notwithstanding that he was taken by surprise, the governor 
immediately adopted every needful measure of defence, and 
sent reinforcements to Cavlte. On the morning of the 
following day two English of^cers landed, and brought the 
message of Admiral Cornish, who commanded the squad- 
ron, and Brigadier General Draper, who commanded the 
troops, stating that they had orders from the King of 
Great Britain to take possession of these islands, and they 
demanded an immediate surrender, for if any resistance 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 395 

were made, having a force sufficiently formidable to attain 
the object in view, they should commence hostilities as 
soon as they received an unfavorable reply. The governor 
answered, that the proposition they had made could not be 
accepted by subjects faithful to their allegiance, and that 
they were ready to lose their lives in the defence of the 
honor of their sovereign. The squadron, in consequence, 
approached near the south front of the powder manufac- 
tory, and about six in the afternoon they took possession 
of that redoubt, in which our people had left some salt- 
petre, and other effects, having only had time to remove 
the powder. Supported by the fire of the squadron, they 
took possession successively of the churches of Malate, La 
Hermita, San Juan de Bagunbayan, and Santiago, and of 
all the houses in those suburbs of Manila. 

" The whole force in Manila consisted of the King's regi- 
ment, which was so reduced by death and desertion, and 
by different detachments in the galleons and garrisons, 
that they could scarcely muster five hundred and fifty men, 
of which the artillery consisted of eighty, most of them In- 
dians, very little accustomed to the use of great guns. 

" On the morning of the 27th, at eight o'clock, some In- 
dians and Mestizos, without having any orders to that 
effect, presented themselves before the advanced guard of 
the English camp, fell upon them, and drove them from 
their posts, but a reinforcement of three hundred men ar- 
riving, the advantage was lost and the Indians repulsed, to 
whom a signal was made to leave the field open, in order 
that the artillery might play upon the enemy. 

" The bombardment now continued with vigor. The ene- 
my had, in the commencement of the siege, placed three 
mortars behind the church of Santiago, to which they added 
another battery of three more mortars, which threw the 



39^ 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



whole city into consternation. On the 29th, they fired against 
the houses of the governor and admiral, but without effect; 
the shots which were fired horizontally, reaching only to the 
beach, and those which they threw by elevation passing 
over the fort to the other side. 

" On the second of October, at day-break, a battery of 
eight twenty-four pounders opened against the angle of the 
foundry bulwark, and by ten in the morning the whole of 
the parapet was a ruin. The enemy, at the same time, di- 
rected their shells against that battery from nine mortars 
of various calibres, assisted by the fire of two ships in front; 
and so hot was the fire that we picked up four thousand 
balls of twenty-four pounds. But what incommoded the 
place most was the fusileers, who could see, from the tower 
and church of Santiago all that passed in the city, and they 
could fire as they pleased against its defenders. Notwith- 
standing such a heavy fire directed against a bulwark with- 
out a parapet, only seven men were killed and about twenty 
wounded. Our people endeavored to get possession of 
the church of Santiago, and the artillery, but could not suc- 
ceed. The ships discontinued their fire about sunset, but 
the fire from the camp continued all night, and dismounted 
the artillery of our bastion, so that it became necessary to 
abandon it; the same night, or rather in the morning of the 
3d, it was resolved that a sortie should be made from the 
fort. About five thousand Indians had arrived from the 
provinces, of which two thousand Pampangos were selected 
for the undertaking; they were divided into three columns 
to advance by different routes: the first, under command 
of Don Francisco Rodriguez, was to attack the church of 
Santiago ; the second, commanded by Don Santiago Oren- 
dain, was ordered to throw itself upon Malate and Hermita; 
the third, was to attack the troops on the beach, and was 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



399 



commanded by Eslava y Bastos; the whole to be supported 
by two piquets of fusileers. The Indians were no sooner 
on the outside of the fort than they began a loud outcry, 
which prepared the enemy for their reception ; and when 
the column, commanded by Rodriguez, arrived near the 
English camp, the Indians hesitated to advance ; but being 
urged on by the famous Manalastas, their chief, they pro- 
ceeded and finding the church of Santiago abandoned, they 
ascended the tower and began to rino- the bells ; but the 
peals were of very short duration, for the English fell upon 
them and scarcely allowed them time to retreat. 

"The other column, which was ordered to advance on 
Hermita, marched with the utmost silence until Orendain 
gave them orders to attack, when they began with their 
accustomed bowlings and beating of their drums, and thus 
threw the English camp into complete disorder. The Eng- 
lish general put his troops under arms and commenced a 
fire on the Pampangos, who were speedily put to flight, and 
their confusion was so great that every shot told. Two 
hundred were left dead on the field, and Orendain, clapping 
spurs to his horse, was very soon out of all personal danger. 
From this time forward he was considered as a traitor, and 
after Manila was delivered up to the English, many were 
even more inclined to believe this, as he was much seen with 
the English, although nothing was actually proven against 
him. The third column was more fortunate, as, without hav- 
ing done or received any damage they returned with more 
honor than the rest. This action, however, so intimidated 
the Indians that they almost all retreated to their towns. 
The fire from the battery did not cease during all this time, 
and demolished the whole face and platform of the works 
of the foundry, whose ruins filled up the fosse ; but what 
caused the greatest uneasiness was a battery which the 



400 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

enemy had constructed, and which, at twelve o'clock at 
noon, was opened against the works of San Andres and 
San Kugenio, and so hot was the fire, that in two hours, the 
guns were dismounted from their carriages, the parapets 
thrown down and several fusileers and workmen killed, 
and though new parapets were twice replaced with timber 
and bags of sand, they were immediately demolished. The 
Governor held a council of war that same evening, at which 
were present the staff officers, the Royal Audience, the 
deputies of the city and the prelates. The military men 
gave their opinion for a capitulation, the rest were for ob- 
stinately continuing the defence, availing themselves of the 
usual methods of repairing the works. Orders were ac- 
cordingly given to this effect, but they could not be put in 
execution, as the few Indians, who remained, would not un- 
dertake such dangerous work, and the Spaniards could not 
support the fatigue. 

" Qn the morning of the 4th, the enemy began to throw 
carcasses into the fort ; they set fire to some buildings, 
and the soldiers and inhabitants of Manila were in the 
greatest consternation. At one o'clock in the afternoon of 
this day, the English troops presented themselves before 
the lines, showing a very extensive front The grenadiers 
were somewhat advanced and in position to make the 
assault. The town was thrown into complete confusion, 
and many inhabitants, with the clergy, seeing that no capitu- 
lation was in agitation, determined to quit the city, which 
they could easily do, as the guard of the Parian gate was 
composed of the townspeople of Manila. The English 
maintained their threatening position for some time, and 
retiring without making any further attempt, the inhabitants 
resumed their tranquillity, and thought no more of capitu- 
lation. On the night of the 4th, the fire of the enemy's 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 40 1 

artillery was resumed with terrible effect and continued 
until two o'clock in the morning when it ceased. From 
the commencement of the siege they had thrown more 
than twenty thousand balls, five thousand shells, and twenty- 
five carcasses. In the city they ruined a great many build- 
ings, and set it on fire in five different places. We cannot 
account for this otherwise than that the English, to give 
more splendor and value to their conquest, resolved on 
such an enormous expenditure of powder and ball, for 
much less would have sufficed to take a place which was 
only in a state to defend itself against Asiatic nations, and 
not against Europeans. 

" General Draper advanced through the Calle Real as far 
as the palace, with considerable risk, for in Fort Santiago 
there was a field piece which commanded the whole street, 
and being loaded with canister shot might have swept down 
immense numbers ; but the Archbishop, who had retired to 
this fort with the Oidors, would not allow them to fire it, 
apprehending that the English would afterwards revenge 
themselves on the inhabitants of Manila. Colonel Monson, 
despatched by Draper, presented himself at the fort, inti- 
mating, on the part of his general, that the surrender of the 
place was expected. The Archbishop presented him a 
paper containing the terms of capitulation which he pro- 
posed, and requested him to be the bearer of them to his 
commanding officer for his approbation. The Colonel 
declined so doing, having no orders to that effect, and 
threatened that hostilities should proceed if he did not 
immediately surrender. The Archbishop, seeing no other 
remedy, and taking the word of honor of the Colonel for 
his personal safety, resolved to leave the fort, accom- 
panied by the colonel of the Spanish troops, to present 
himself to the English general, who was by this time in the 



402 



THE PfllLIPPINE ISLANDS. 



palace. On his arrival there, he was about to kneel, but 
General Draper would not permit him. He then delivered 
himself up as a prisoner, and presented the paper, which 
contained the terms of capitulation, and which chiefly con- 
sisted in the free exercise of our religion, the security of 
private property, a free trade to all the inhabitants of the 
islands, and the continuation of the powers of the Royal 
Audience to keep order among the ill-disposed. 

" The English general retired to consult on these points, 
and very shortly returned with an answer accordingly, to all 
of them, with certain restrictions and additions, which were 
suggested on the part of his Britannic Majesty, and the 
capitulation, thus arranged, was signed by General Draper 
and his Excellency, the Archbishop. The colonel took it 
to the fort in order to have it countersigned by the Oidors, 
which, being done, they immediately delivered up the fort 
to the English, and retired to the palace to pay their re- 
spects to the conqueror, 

"The principal feature in the capitulation was the sur- 
render of the whole of these islands to the English, an arti- 
cle in it which the Archbishop and Oidors were compelled, 
by circumstances, to accede to, though reluctantly ; but this 
was not so easily accomplished, as Senor Anda was charged 
with the defense of them, and he was not disposed to 
submit without an appeal to arms. General Draper, 
being informed of this, thought himself justified in avail- 
ing himself of stratagem. He issued a proclamation 
in which he commiserated the fate of the Indians on 
account of the tribute which they paid to the Spaniards, 
giving the assurance that the king of Great Britain 
would not exact it of them, and thus endeavoring to ex- 
cite them to open rebellion. He then persuaded the 
Archbishop that he was the proper governor, and as such 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



403 



got him to despatch an escort, to induce the Spanish fami- 
Hes, who had taken refuge in the provinces, to return to 
Manila, and to appoint an EngHshman as Corregidor of 
Tondo, who had been some time married and estabHshed 
in Manila. General Draper treated the religious orders 
with much respect, and granted permission to the monks 
to return to their convents, in order to draw over to his in- 
terest this body, which, from what the Franciscans had 
done, he judged must have great influence in the interior 
of the country. He ordered the Archbishop to assemble a 
congress of the principal people of the city, and to propose 
to them the cession of all these islands to his Britannic 
Majesty, but Senor Viana, the royal fiscal, opposed it most 
strenuously. The day following, however, in consequence 
of threats held out by the English, the Spaniards had the 
weakness to sign this cession. Monsieur Faller, who had 
been suspected of treason, conducted himself more honor- 
ably, as he would, on no account, accept the government of 
Zamboanga, where the English commander wished to send 
him with a sufficiency of troops to take possession, in case 
they were unwilling to receive him, and a similar conduct 
was observed by a poor, but honorable Spaniard, named 
Don Louis Sandobal, 

" On the day before the capture of Manila, Senor Anda 
quitted the city, with the title of visitor and lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, in order to maintain the islands in obedience to the 
King of Spain. He arrived at Bulacan with forty orders 
under the royal seal, which were the only supply of arms 
and money with which he was furnished, as the treasure 
had been sent to Lake Bay. As soon as it was known in 
Bulacan that the English were in possession of Manila, he 
summoned a meeting at which were present Father Her- 
nandez, who filled the office of provincial of St. Augustins, 



404 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

the chief magistrates of the province, and other Spaniards 
and Augustine friars, and laying before them the resolu- 
tions of the royal audience and the authority with which he 
was furnished by the governor to defend the islands, he at 
the same time adverted to the insufficiency of their force 
to make resistance to the English. They highly praised 
the measures of the royal audience, and the governor of 
Manila, and promised to spill the last drop of their blood 
rather than forsake him. The monks offered to raise troops 
in the towns for the service and conduct them to the field. 
He gave them thanks for their loyalty, and thinking that 
the title of visitor appeared of too little importance for the 
undertaking he was upon, he declared himself under the 
necessity of having recourse to certain old-established regu- 
lations, which ordain that the royal audience may be pre- 
served in the person of one Oidor, and in case of a vacancy 
in the goverment seat, that the royal audience may take 
the government and the oldest Oidor, command the military, 
unless any other arrangement should be made by his Ma- 
jesty. And on this occasion, the Oidors and Governor, being 
prisoners of war and dead in the eyes of the law, all these 
offices fell of necessity on him. He, accordingly, got him- 
self acknowledged as governor of the islands, in which 
capacity, joined to the office of royal audience, he circulated 
his orders to the different alcaldes and ecclesiastical super- 
intendents of missions ; no one, in the smallest degree, 
questioning his authority. 

" The English, perceiving that decrees were of very little 
service, and that it was necessary to have recourse to force, 
determined to take possession of a position on the Pasig 
in order to open a passage for provisions from the Lake 
Bay, and Thomas Backhouse, whom the Spaniards called 
Becus, for that purpose, filed off with five hundred men to 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 405 

the left of the river. He arrived in front of Maybonga, 
where the famous Bustos was stationed with his Cagayans, 
ready to defend the passage of the river. He fired upon 
the first Enghsh party that advanced, but as soon as they 
returned it he retired to Maraquina with his people. The 
enemy passed the river without hesitation, and sent an 
officer with a white flagf to summon the Indians to surren- 
der. The boasting Httle Governor answered that the Pasig 
was not Manila, and if the Spaniards had given that up to 
them in a treacherous manner, he would defend his post to 
the last ; adding, that should the officer return with the white 
Hag (a trick he might deceive children with), he would hang 
him on the first tree. This reply being reported to Back- 
house, he immediately ordered the troops to march, and 
the two field-pieces he had with him beginning to play, the 
Indians became alarmed to such a degree that they fled 
precipitately. Such, indeed, was their hurry and confusion 
at the bridge near the convent, that numbers of them were 
drowned. 

"The English got possession of the convent without re- 
sistance, and pursued the Indians as if they had been a 
flock of goats as far as the river Bamban, which they swam 
over, at least all who had the good fortune to escape the 
enemy's bullets. The King of Jolo, attempting to defend 
a place occupied by his family, was obliged to surrender. 
The English fortified the post, and maintained it themselves 
until peace was declared between England and Spain." 



CHAPTER XXV. 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



Area and Inhabitants — Ancient Traditions and Histories — The Soil and Climate 
— The Productions and the Beauty of the Scenery — A Retreat for Inva- 
lids and Paradise of Artists — Water is Precious — Love-making and Fleas. 

Our Country in War is, in its relations with foreign 
nations, interested in the possessions of Spain. We have 
a claim on her islands. Her experience with colonies has 
been so unfortunate that it would be a relief to her to be 
deprived of them all. 

The Canary Islands lie in the North Atlantic Ocean. The 
following are the seven principal islands : Teneriffe, Grand 
Canary, Palma, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gomera, Hierro. 
Their area in English square miles is about 2,980, and their 
population about 320,000. 

There is ground for supposing that the Phoenicians were 
not ignorant of the Canaries. The Romans, in the time of 
Augustus, received intelligence of them through Juba, king 
of Mauritania, whose account has been transmitted to us 
by the elder Pliny. He mentions " Canada, so called from 
the multitude of dogs of great size," and " Nivaria, taking 
its name from perpetual snow, and covered with clouds," 
doubtless Teneriffe. Canaria was said to abound in palms 
and pine trees. Both Plutarch and Ptolemy speak of the 
Fortune Islands, but their description is so imperfect that 
it is not clear whether the Madeiras or the Canaries are 
referred to. There is no further mention of them until we 
read of their re-discovery about 1334, by a French vessel 
driven amongst them by a storm. A Spanish nobleman 
406 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 4°/ 



thereupon obtained a grant of them with the title of l^ing, 
from Clement VI, , but want of means prevented him from 
carrying out his project of conquest. Two expeditions 
subsequently set out from Spanish ports, and returned 
without having taken possession. At length three vessels, 
equipped by Jean de Bethencourt, a gentleman of Nor- 
mandy, sailed from Rochelle in 1400, and bent their course 
to the Canaries. He landed at Lanzarote and Fuerteven- 
tura, but being opposed by the natives, and findmg himself 
deficient in means to effect his purpose, he repaired to the 
court of Castile, and obtained from Henry III. a grant of 
the islands, with the tide of king. He sailed in .404 with 
a strong force, which mastered Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, 
Gomera and Hierro without bloodshed. Being reptjlsed m 
his attempts on Palma and Canary, he returned to Europe 
in 1408 to obtain further assistance. He was well received 
at the Castilian court, where he was promised aid; but he 
died shortly afterwards in France. Bethencourt s nephew 
had been left governor of the islands, and claimed to suc- 
ceed his uncle's rights. Being charged with many acts ol 
misgovernment, he went to Spain to clear himself, and 
whilst there sold his rights to Don Enrique de Guzman, 
who, after expending large sums in fruidess endeavors to 
reduce the unconquered islands, sold them to another 
Spaniard named Paraza. His successor, about 1 441. took 
nominal possession of Canary and Teneriffe, but the natives 
effectually resisted their occupation of them. Meantime it 
appeared that Jean de Bethencourfs nephew had fraudu- 
lently made a second sale of the islands to Portugal, and 
the difference thus arising between the crowns of Spain and 
Portugal was ended by the cession of the islands to the 
former. Grand Canary, Teneriffe, and Palma remaining 
unsubdued in 1476, Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain com- 



4o8 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



pelled Paraza's successors to sell those islands to the crown; 
and the following year one thousand men were despatched 
to reduce them. After much bloodshed, and with reinforce- 
ments from the mother country, the Spaniards, under Pedro 
de Vera, became masters of Grand Canary in 1483. Palma 
was conquered in 1491, and Teneriffe in 1495, by Alonzo 
de Lugo. All the islands still continue in the possession 
of Spain. 

Santa Cruz de Santiago, on the south coast, is the resi- 
dence of the governor-general of the Canaries, the civil 
lieutenant-governor of the Teneriffe district, and the mili- 
tary governor of the island. It is a well-built and tolerably 
clean town of 10,830 inhabitants, lying on a small plain 
bounded by bare and rugged volcanic rocks, amongst which 
lie narrow valleys called barrancas. 

The Rev. Thomas Debary, M. A., in " Notes of a Resi- 
dence in the Canary Islands," 185 i, gives a pleasing com- 
bination of ancient and modern history, as follows : 

" The generic name of the ancient inhabitants of these 
islands was Guanchees. They appear to have been a par- 
ticularly hardy and high-minded race. Whence they came, 
there have been various conjectures, and a difference of 
opinion wholly, as it seems to me, uncalled for. From 
Teneriffe the island of Canary is seen very plainly ; and on 
a clear day Fuerteventura is seen from Canary ; and from 
Fuerteventura the coast of Africa is visible ; it seems, 
therefore, next to impossible that these islands should not 
have been visited and peopled by the Libyans ; besides 
which, many of the customs recorded of the ancient inhabi- 
tants are similar to those found in various parts A Africa. 
In proportion as countries are little advanced in civilization, 
it is easy to trace their origin or connection with one another. 
It would not be impossible to show a sort of fellowship 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



409 



existing between the various races and tribes of Africa, 
vast as that continent is. 

" The dry and sandy character of the soil has afforded facil- 
ities for a custom that seems to have prevailed in every part 
of Africa — namely, that of living in caves. The Africans, 
from Ethiopia to Libya, were, and still are, to some extent, 
troglodites, or livers in holes, and the ancient inhabitants of 
these islands depended almost entirely upon the rocks for 
their habitation. The custom of shaving the head is very 
prevalent throughout Africa, which, under certain circum- 
stances, the Guanchees did. The disposition to embalm or 
make mummies of the dead is another African custom ; and 
the ancient inhabitants of these islands rolled their dead in 
goat skins. The preparation of goffo or goffu, which was 
their main support, and is still eaten by the poor people of 
the island of Teneriffe, is similar to the cuscusu eaten in 
Barbary and on the shores of the Gambia. All these argu- 
ments, for the fact, would scarcely be necessary, but that 
some have asserted the aborigines to be Americans, from 
the shape of the skull ; indeed, I have seen a statement 
that the lost tribes of Israel found their way here — thus, as 
.hey so often have been, being pressed into the service of 
a despairing antiquarian. 

" The sentiments of the aborigines were of an heroical 
character ; they had orders of nobility as well as kings 
amongst them, and any ill treatment of women and children 
was enough to exclude them from the rank of nobility ; they 
are said not to have been much given to navigation, so that 
it is difficult to understand how they got from one island 
to another. 

" Proceeding in our route to Orotava, for a long way, we 
passed through fields of maize, flax and lupin, which latter 
is sown here in great abundance for manure. My mind 



4IO THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

was prepared to admire the beauties of Teneriffe ; accord- 
ingly, as we journeyed on, I allowed myself to fall into rap- 
tures at the beauty of those tints that the mountains and 
all above the peak assumed under the influence of the set- 
ting sun. Clear outlines and bright colors are not what 
an artistic eye generally delights in ; yet the artist who 
would represent tropical landscapes must be prepared for 
these. The peak, which appeared to us a minute ago en- 
tirely white, now exhibited every hue of purple, from pink 
to indigo ; and no sooner had the sun vanished than the 
stars came out with a degree of brilliancy I had never seen 
before. 

" I was quite taken aback by the prospect, as I beheld the 
peak quite clear from the extreme summit to its ocean- 
washed base. It is not, in outline, by any means a pic- 
turesque mountain. The upper part is of the ogee shape; 
yet it is an object calculated to fill the mind with wonder 
and amazement. It certainly looks like one of the land- 
marks of the creation, and must have filled the Carthag- 
inian navigators with great surprise when they saw it, as it is 
probable they did, in all the glories of an active volcano. 

"We now entered what may be described as the palm 
district of Teneriffe. Many of the trees were very much 
disfigured, being tied up that the inner leaves might whiten 
for Palm Sunday, being then used to adorn the churches; 
but on looking up the barrancas, or deep valleys, we saw 
forests of them ; and the kind of shock, which a strange 
vegetation, when first seen, gives the mind, began to yield 
to admiration. After passing a defile where the rays of the 
sun called for umbrellas as much almost as a hailstorm in 
England, we emerged upon that, which is doubtless the 
grandest and finest feature in the island of Teneriffe — the 
Valley of Orotava. The sloping plain, which is circum- 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 41 j 

scribed by the mountains and the sea, is Hterally Hke a bed 
in a green-house ; the soil is excellent, and produces every- 
thing ; however, for the most part the vine covers it like a 
net. In the middle of the plain stands the Villa of Orotava, 
surrounded as it is by such remarkable natural objects. 
Many of the buildings are built in a stately style, evidently 
the creation of the best days of Spanish history. Three or 
four miles from La Villa is the port, or as it is called, Port- 
Orotava ; and the country intervening is dotted with 
quintas and various kinds of detached residences. In the 
garden of one of the palaces at Orotava stands the cele- 
brated dragon tree, the largest, I believe, and oldest tree in 
the world. Five hundred years ago it was seen by the 
first invaders of the island, and was then venerated by the 
natives for its great size and antiquity ; a great part of it 
now has become a species of touch-wood, and it has pretty 
well lost its characteristic features, and must have under- 
gone some diminution since it was last figured. 

" Tenerifife is an extinct volcano, and if I may compare it 
with an active one, I should say it presented many features 
similar to those of Vesuvius. I should have judged that 
where we were sitting was once in a state of active erup- 
tion, and that then there was no peak as we now saw it ; 
but that, after this had subsided, another eruption broke 
out in the middle of the bed, and continued in a state of 
activity for many, many years, and the present mountain 
was, as it were, gradually accumulated— just as now, in the 
middle of the black crater of Vesuvius, rises a small cone, 
from the apex of which vapor and scoriae are perpetually 
being ejected, and dropping down, continually increase the 
heap of the cone. 

" The character of the scenery on this side of the peak, as 
you descend, is very different from the other. Here we 



412 THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

found, in a very unmistakable manner, the ravaging effects 
of some former eruption, and everything about us much 
wilder than on the side of Orotava. The descent is, in 
reality, over vast steps of black lava, such as Herculaneum 
lies buried under. The first indications of real vegetation 
we came to was a wood of fir trees. Some distance below, 
and after passing over a wild region, we entered a wood of 
what in England would be called exotics ; gigantic arbuta, 
and heath-like plants waved over our heads, having an 
appearance very different from anything I have ever seen 
before. On leaving the wood we looked down upon rich 
and cultivated fields. 

"The town of Las Palmas has a population of about 
10,000; it is built on either side of a ravine, which divides 
it, in the bottom of which flows a narrow stream, spanned 
by rather an elegant bridge, built by a former bishop of the 
place. On looking up the ravine from the bridge, you see 
many palm trees, and the whole prospect is crowned by 
the pale blue Pexos ridge of mountains, which are 6,500 feet 
high. The valley itself is exceedingly fertile, and is so well 
irrigated that it produces two crops of Indian corn in the 
year, besides a crop of potatoes. 

" Canary is the richest of the seven islands in water, an 
element only properly valued in such places as these ; 
every drop of which, come how it may, from the mountains 
or from the sky, is collected into tanks and reservoirs ; and 
where several families have a claim upon it, it is doled out 
with jealous impartiality ; it is by witnessing the immediate 
importance of water in a naturally arid country that the full 
tyranny of that Persian monarch can be appreciated, who, 
shutting up the gorges of the mountains which surrounded 
the plain where the river Acis took its rise, blessed or 
cursed the different provinces of his kingdom, as they fur- 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 413 

nished him with tribute. He who should possess the keys 
of such a reservoir would be all-powerful ; for upon it 
depends everything." 

Mrs. Elizabeth Murray, in " Sixteen Years of an Artist's 
Life in Morocco, Spain, and the Canary Islands " (1859), 
gives this instructive and charming picture of the Canaries : 

"In the years 1812 and 1815, Port Orotava may be said 
to have been at the height of its commercial activity. The 
wines of the island were in high favor, and between the 
two years last mentioned, from eight to twelve thousand 
pipes were annually shipped from it to Great Britain and 
America, the East and West Indies, and other places. 
Orchilla weed and other articles of Island produce, were 
exported in considerable quantities. The value of the 
imports from the various countries that traded with the 
Canary Islands was also very considerable. 

"The declaration of peace in Europe, in 181 5, gave 
a severe blow to the trade of Teneriffe, from which 
it can hardly be said to have ever recovered. After that 
period the wine-trade gradually fell to a very low figure, and 
with the appearance of a fatal disease in the vines, which 
had been experienced for four successive years, the aver- 
age annual production fell from twenty-four or twenty- 
five thousand to barely a twentieth part of that quantity. 
Besides, in more recent times, Santa Cruz became a serious 
rival to Orotava; various large mercantile establishments, 
doing a considerable amount of business, having been 
established, one after another, in the capital. The few 
remaining merchants in Orotava soon lost all their former 
commercial spirit, and one mercantile disaster was followed 
by another, until El Puerto sank almost to its former insig- 
nificance, and the era of its activity was brought to an end. 

"The peasantry are extremely ignorant of the most ele- 



414 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



mentary branches of knowledge, the instances in which 
they are able to read and write being very rare. If neces- 
sity were not the mother of invention, this would be rather 
awkward in their love-communings, which would, of neces- 
sity, be confined to personal interviews, which are not 
always convenient. In their ignorance, therefore of one of the 
three important R's, indeed all of them, they have invented 
a kind of flower language, by which they can express most 
eloquently every secret thought and every tender feeling, 
the utterances of these beautiful symbols being perfectly 
comprehended by the one to whom they are addressed. 
Specific feelings are ascribed to different flowers, to their 
various arrangements, to leaves, to buds and blossoms ; a 
complete alphabet and vocabulary of love being thus made 
up, which must be, at least, a more romantic method of com- 
municating the feelings of the heart than our direct and 
matter-of-fact way. 

" On the " ferias " and other merry meetings of a similar 
nature, of which there are very many, the lover has excel- 
lent opportunities, of which he generally takes care to 
avail himself, of presenting his ' moza ' with a sprig of 
thyme, to the Spanish name of which, ' tomillo,' a certain 
meaning is made to jingle in rhyme in the established 
phrase, *a tus pies me humillo,' the simple interpretation 
of which is, * I humble myself at your feet' If a piece of 
rosemary, called by the people ' romero,' is returned, it is 
taken as an unfavorable answer to the poor lover's suit, 
for 'romero,' rhyming with 'mojadero,' means in plain 
language, ' You are a bore, sir.' But if a flower with a 
more compassionate meaning is returned, the suit is con- 
sidered to have made a good commencement, and the 
gratified lover seeks such opportunities as he can find of 
holding light chat with the fair one at her window as he 








H 

O 

H 

O 
> 

D 

w 

H 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



417 



passes to and fro from his daily labor. The conversation, 
it must be confessed, is not quite of such a nature as one 
would imagine likely to be indulged in by the victims of the 
tender passion. If one were to listen to a dialogue between 
two young persons in such a Romeo and Juliet-like position, 
he would be astonished to hear that the deepest sighs of 
an ardent passion were breathed forth as the accompani- 
ment to questions about the price of potatoes, the appear- 
ance of the crops, the labor of the farm, the work of the 
household, and indeed, anything but the great, the all- im- 
portant subject that brings them together. That, in fact, 
which is nearest their hearts is never once alluded to. It 
must not be supposed, however, that this domestic and 
agricultural conversation serves no good purpose. By such 
interviews, repeated as often as possible, the love-smitten 
Lothario is enabled to form a very adequate judgment of 
the domestic capacities of the lady, and of her fitness to be 
a useful helpmate to him in the daily business of life, for 
they know there is little or no honeymoon of listless indo- 
lence for them. Having satisfied himself as to her qualifi- 
cations, and, after all the reflection that so important a step 
demands, having made up his own mind, he goes, one 
evening, to their accustomed interview with a green sprig 
or flower, which, during the conversation, he fixes in some 
chink of the window, in full view of his inamorata, to whom 
it conveys an important question. This operation is much 
facilitated by the circumstance that all the houses of the 
peasantry consist only of a ground floor. The lady is 
allowed time for consideration and takes the night to con- 
sider what reply she shall make to the proposal. 

*' The next mornine, the anxious lover, who has doubtless 
passed a sleepless night, at least we may imagine so, pro- 
ceeds to learn his fate, eagerly fixing his eye upon the 
24 



41 8 THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

window as he approaches. If the symbol of his affection 
has been taken in, great is his joy, for he knows that he is 
an accepted lover, and that matters may now proceed en 
regie to their legitimate issue. If, on the contrary, the 
symbol of his affection has been disregarded, and allowed 
to wither on the outside, it is understood as an unequivocal 
announcement that his suit is not acceptable, and that he 
may carry his love to some other market. If the lady jilts 
her suitor, she is said, in a style of similar imagery, " to 
have given him pumpkins," Da le calabazas, a phrase not 
uncommon even among the higher and more educated 
classes. 

" The fleas of Laguna are said to be so famous for their 
size, strength and activity, that they are regarded with uni- 
versal interest, and incidents relating to them are introduced 
even into the love-songs of the country, accompanied, in 
lieu of castanets, with expressive snappings of the fingers. 
Such a verse, for instance, as the following, is popular 
among the lower classes, and is intended to give a zest to 
the monotony of love-making : 

" Last night I passed your window, 
And saw you catching fleas, 
Surely, you might have said to me, 

'Come and catch some, if you please.' " 

" But our poor matter-of-fact ' Uncle Sam ' will have none 
of those literary associations to comfort him should he take 
it upon himself to act as guardian to this group of beautiful 
islands. 

" The laboring classes of the population enjoy but a limited 
variety of amusements. Of athletic sports the men prac- 
tice none but those of pitching the crowbar and wrestling, 
exercises for which they are very famous. Although their 
manner of conducting these sports might surprise and 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



419 



puzzle a Cornishman, he would probably find them tough 
customers to deal with. There is great rivalry, in these 
trials of strength and skill, between the several islands, as 
well as between the several districts, and a festival rarely 
takes place without a good-natured contest between the 
different parties." 

" Cock-fighting is another amusement in which the inhab- 
itants of the Canary Islands are fond of indulging, and in 
which large sums of money are frequently won and lost. 
To gambling of all kinds they are passionately addicted. 
Wherever half a score of them are congregated, a greasy 
pack of cards is sure to be produced by some one of the 
company, and the game of monie, which is the most popu- 
lar here, is played by all with the greatest animation. 

" All the amusements of the people are carried on in the 
most orderly, decorous, and cordial spirit, without quarrels 
or disturbance. This favorable feature in their character 
is, no doubt, owing chiefly to their abstemious and sober 
habits, for it is a most unusual thing to witness a single 
instance of intoxication among them. They have one pecu- 
liar custom, however, to which women, as well as men, are 
addicted, but it never leads to the slightest extra-indulorence 
in the pernicious habit of dram-drinking. Every one takes 
a small glass of the country brandy the first thing in the 
morning, ' para espantar el diabolo,' to frighten away the 
devil, alleging, as an excuse for this moderate indulgence, 
the bad effects which the morning cold and the rarefied 
mountain air at or before day dawn would produce on their 
stomachs unfortified by such a preservative. Their toil 
generally commences at this early period of the day, and 
for the remainder of the twenty-four hours they rarely touch 
anything else but water. Every country, however, has its 
peculiar vices; and if, in this almost tropical climate, intoxi- 



420 THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

cation is not one of them, there is a laxity in their morals 
and a carelessness in their conduct, that will bear anything 
but a favorable comparison even with those other fair lands 
that are most famed for vices of this kind. 

" The African custom of embalming the dead was uni- 
versally practiced among the Guanchees. A tribe of priests 
was maintained for the sacred office of cleansing the body. 
After repeated washings with salt and water, which was 
also the habits of the Egyptians, they anointed it with aro- 
matic herbs and butter made from goats' milk. The body 
was opened with sharp stones made of opsidian, called 
* tabonas,' analogous to the Ethiopian stone employed to 
open bodies at the side — an incision which has also been 
remarked in the sides of some Guanchee mummies. They 
were then left to dry in the sun, and afterwards rubbed 
with herbs, powder of wood, pumice-stone and other ab- 
sorbent substances. This preparation lasted a fortnight, 
which time the relations of the deceased celebrated with 
great pomp, singing the praises of the defunct, and giving 
themselves up to grief. When the body was very dry, and 
as light as charcoal, it was wrapped in several goatskins, 
either tanned or raw, and impressed with a distinguishing 
mark. The kings and principal dignitaries were enveloped 
in finer skins, and, being put into a ' Sabino,' or coffin of 
pine-wood, were carried to the most inaccessible caverns, 
where they were placed vertically against the walls, or in 
great order upon shelves. 

" Some of the native Grand Canarian laws and customs 
were barbarous in the extreme. Though the island con- 
tained so disproportionately large a population as fourteen 
thousand souls, it was very imperfectly cultivated, and its 
productions not sufficient for the wants of its numerous 
population. As the number of births, notwithstanding, 



THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



421 



greatly exceeded that of deaths, the inhabitants were kept 
in a constant dread of famine through the failure of any 
of their crops. They had no means of supplying their 
wants from any other source, for their knowledge of 
any kind of navigation was so small that not even the 
rudest kind of canoe or raft was ever known in any of the 
islands. It was this dread of famine that led them to estab- 
lish the inhuman law that all but the first-born child of 
every woman should be destroyed at the moment of its 
birth. The feelings of natural affection, however, ere long 
triumphed over so barbarous an enactment, and it was 
abolished before the time of the Spanish conquest. 

" Their women, as in Teneriffe, enjoyed the legal privilege 
of having three husbands, each of whom acted in his turn as 
lord and master for one month, the other two beincr in the 
condition of servants during that time. Many, however, 
preferred to have only one partner through life, in which 
case the bride, as in Morocco, was required to remain as 
quiet as possible in a cavern, in a reclining posture, for a 
period of thirty days, eating abundantly of gofio. At the 
expiration of that period she was expected to have attained 
the degree of enibonpoint that fitted her for the marriage 
state. The marriage could not take place until the lady 
was declared to be in a fit condition by the Faycan, or High 
Priest, or by the temporal chief, one of which individuals 
not only gave away the bride, but likewise claimed the 
same sort of tribute that was once exacted in many of the 
French and other continental seigneui'ages. 

" The Canarians were remarkable for their pfood govern- 
ment, and for their strict administration of justice. When 
a man committed a crime which they deemed worthy of 
death, he was at once apprehended and committed to pri- 
son. He was then tried, and, if found guilty, led to the 



422 THE CANARY ISLANDS. 

place of execution, which was also the scene of their feasts, 
wrestling-matches, and duels. The delinquent being 
stretched on the ground, and his head placed on a large 
stone, the executioner, who was a man set apart for the 
office, taking up another heavy stone, and lifting it as high 
as he could, suddenly let it fall upon the culprit's head. 
For crimes that were not considered worthy of death, they 
proceeded on the principle of Lex Talionis — an eye for an 
eye and a tooth for a tooth. 

'* The people of Canary had several public festivals, as, 
for example, at the period of gathering in their crops of 
barley, which may be considered their harvest home. Most 
public events, such as the accession of a new local chief, 
were celebrated with great rejoicing. During the periods 
of their festivals, all internal wars were suspended, the 
belligerents on both sides fraternizing as long as the cere- 
monies lasted, and at the termination renewing the fight 
with even greater ardor than before." 




4-^3 




424 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 

Our Great Territorial Purchase from Russia— The Great Bargain of Seward 
and Sumner Extending our Dominion into the Polar Regions and Asiatic 
Waters— An Immense and Significant Enlargement of our Area of 
Empire. 

We quote from the works of Charles Sumner: "Late 
in the evening of Friday, March 29, 1867, Mr. Sumner, on 
reaching home, found this note from Mr. Seward awaiting 
him: 'Can you not come to my house this evening? I 
have a matter of pubHc business in regard to which it is 
desirable that I should confer with you at once.' Without 
delay he hurried to the house of the Secretary of State, 
only to find that the latter had left for the Department. 
His son, the Assistant Secretary, was at home, and he was 
soon joined by Mr. De Stoeckl, the Russian Minister. 
From the two Mr. Sumner learned, for the first time, that a 
treaty was about to be signed for the cession of Russian- 
America to the United States. With a map in his hand, 
the minister, who had just returned from St. Petersburg, 
explained the proposed boundary according to verbal in- 
structions from the Archduke, Constantine. After a brief 
conversation when Mr. Sumner inquired and Hstened, with- 
out expressing an opinion, they left together, the Minister 
on his way to the Department, where the treaty was copy- 
ing. The clock was striking midnight as they parted, 
the Minister saying with Interest, * You will not fail us.' 
The treaty was signed about four o'clock in the morning of 

425 



426 THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 

March 30th, being the last day of the current session of 
Congress, and on the same day it was transmitted to the 
Senate, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Rela- 
tions. 

" April ist, the Senate was convened in Executive session 
by the proclamation of the President of the United States, 
and the committee proceeded to the consideration of the 
treaty. The committee, at the time, consisted of Messrs. 
Sumner (chairman), Fessenden, of Maine ; Cameron, of 
Pennsylvania ; Harlan, of Iowa ; Morton, of Indiana ; Patter- 
son, of New Hampshire, and Reverdy Johnson, of Mary- 
land. Carefully and anxiously they considered the ques- 
tion, and meanwhile it was being discussed outside. Among 
friendly influences, was a strong pressure from Hon. Thad- 
deus Stevens, the acknowledged leader of the House, who, 
though without constitutional voice on the ratification of a 
treaty, could not restrain his earnest testimony. Mr. Sumner 
was controlled less by a desire for more territory, than by a 
sense of the amity of Russia, manifested especially during 
our recent troubles, and by an unwillingness to miss the 
opportunity of dismissing another European sovereign from 
our continent, predestined, as he believed, to become the 
broad, undivided home of the American people ; and these 
he developed in his remarks before the Senate." 

A Russian translation, by Mr. Buynitzky, appeared at 
St. Petersburg, with an introduction, whose complimentary 
character is manifest in its opening ; 

" Senator Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, appears, 
since the election of Lincoln, as one of the most eloquent 
and conspicuous representatives of the Republican party. 
His name stands in the first rank of the zealous propaga- 
tors of Abolitionism, and all his political activity is directed 
toward one object, — the completion of the glorious act of 



THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 427 

enfranchisement of five millions of citizens, by a series of 
laws calculated to secure to freedmen, the actual possession 
of civil and political rights. As chairman of the Senate 
Committee upon Foreign Relations, Mr. Sumner attentively 
watches the march of affairs in Europe generally; but, in 
the course of the present decade, his particular attention 
was attracted by the reforms which took place in Russia. 
The emancipation of the peasants in our country was 
viewed with the Hveliest sympathy by the American states- 
man, and this sympathy expressed itself eloquently in his 
speeches, delivered on various occasions, as well in Con- 
gress as in the State Conventions of Massachusetts." 

THE CESSION OF RUSSIAN-AMERICA TO THE UNITED STATES. 

Speech in the Senate on the Ratification of the Treaty 
between the United States and Russia, April 9, 1867. 

"Thirteen governments founded on the natural authority 
of the people alone, without a pretense of miracle or mys- 
tery, and zvhich are destined to spread over the northern part 
of that zvhole quarter of the globe, are a great point gained 
in favor of the rights of mankind." — John Adams, Preface to 
his Defence of the American Constitutions. 

boundaries and configuration. 
" Starting from the frozen ocean, the western boundary 
descends Behring Strait, midway between the two islands 
of Krusenstern and Ratmanoff, to the parallel of 65-30, 
just below where the continents of America and Asia ap- 
proach each other the nearest ; and from this point it pro- 
ceeds in a course nearly southwest through Behring Strait, 
midway between the island of St. Lawrence and Cape 
Chukotski, to the meridian of 172° west longitude, and 
thence, in a southwesterly direction, traversing Behring 
Sea, midway between the island of Attoo, on the east and 



428 THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 

Copper Island on the west, to the meridian of 193° west 
longitude, leaving the prolonged group of the Aleutian 
Islands in the possessions transferred to the United States, 
and making the western boundary of our country the divid- 
ing line which separates Asia from America. 

" Look at the map and observe the configuration of this 
extensive region, whose estimated area is more than five 
hundred and seventy thousand square miles. I speak by 
authority of our own coast survey. Including the Sitkan 
Archipelago at the south, it takes a margin of the mainland 
fronting on the ocean thirty miles broad and five hundred 
miles long to Mt. St. Elias, the highest peak of the conti- 
nent, when it turns with an elbow to the west, and along 
Behring Strait northerly, then rounding to the east along 
the frozen ocean. 

" In the Aleutian rangre, besides innumerable islets and 
rocks, there are not less than fifty-five islands exceeding 
three miles in length ; there are seven exceeding forty 
miles, with Oonimak, which is the largest, exceeding sev- 
enty-three miles. In our part of Behring Sea there are five 
considerable islands, the largest of which is St. Lawrence, 
being more than ninety-six miles long. Add to all these 
the group south of the peninsula of Alaska, including the 
Shumagins and the magnificent island of Kadiak, and then 
the Sitkan group, being archipelago added to archipelago, 
and the whole together constituting the geographical com- 
plement to the West Indies, so that the northwest of the 
continent answers to the southeast, archipelago for archi- 
pelago. 

" I cannot doubt that the enlightened Emperor of Russia, 
who has given pledges to civilization by an unsurpassed 
act of emancipation, would join the first Napoleon in a 
desire to enhance the maritime power of the United States." 



THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 429 

[This reference by Charles Sumner refers to the Louisiana 
purchase.] 

THE TREATY. 

"The treaty begins with the declaration that ' the United 
States of America and his Majesty the Emperor of all 
the Russias, being desirous of strengthening, if possible, 
the good understanding which exists between them,' 
have appointed plenipotentiaries who have proceeded to 
sign articles wherein it is stipulated on behalf of Russia 
that 'his Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, 
agrees to cede to the United States by this convention, 
immediately upon the exchange of the ratification thereof, 
all the territory and dominion now possessed by his said 
Majesty on the continent of America and in the adjacent 
islands, the same being contained within the geographical 
limits herein set forth ; ' and it is stipulated on behalf of 
the United States, that ' in consideration of the cession 
aforesaid, the United States agree to pay at the Treasury 
in Washington, within ten months after the exchange of the 
ratifications of this convention, to the diplomatic represen- 
tative or other agent of his Majesty the Emperor of all the 
Russias, duly authorized to receive the same, ^7,200,000 
in gold.' The ratifications are to be exchanged within 
three months from the date of the treaty, or sooner if 
possible."'^ 

Mr. Sumner said : " Beyond the consideration founded 
on the desire of ' strenp-thening- the eood understandin!^' ' 
between the two countries, there is the pecuniary consider- 
ation already mentioned which underwent a change in the 
progress of the negotiation. The sum of seven millions 
was originally agreed upon ; but when it appeared that 

* United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XV., pp. 539-543. 



430 THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 

there was a fur company and also an ice company enjoying 
monopolies under the existing government, it was thought 
best that these should be extinguished, in consideration of 
which our Government added two hundred thousand to the 
purchase-money, and the Russian Government in formal 
terms declared ' the cession of territory and dominion to 
be free and unincumbered by any reservations, privileges, 
franchises, grants or possessions, by any associated com- 
panies, whether corporate or incorporate, Russian or any 
other, or by any parties, except merely private individual 
property-holders.' Thus the United States receive the 
cession free of all incumbrances, so far, at least, as Russia 
is in a condition to make it. The treaty proceeds to say : 
"The cession hereby made conveys all the rights, fran- 
chises and privileges now belonging to Russia in the said 
territory or dominion and appurtenances thereto." In other 
words, Russia conveys all she has to convey. 

" Department of State, Washington, March 23, 1867. 

" Sir : — With reference to the proposed convention between our respective 
governments for a cession by Russia of her American territory to the United 
States, I have the honor to acquaint you that I must insist upon that clause in 
the sixth article of the draft which declares the cession to be free and unincum- 
bered by any reservations, privileges, franchises, grants, or possessions by any 
associated companies, whether corporate or incorporate, Russian or any other, 
etc., and must regard it as an ultimatum. With the President's approval, how- 
ever, I will add $200,000 to the consideration money on that account. 

" I avail myself of this occasion to offer you a I'enewed assurance of my most 
distinguished consideration. " WiLLi AM H. Seward. 

''Mr. Edward de Stoeckl, etc., etc., etc." 

TRANSLATION. 

"Washington, March 17 (29), 1867. 
'' Mr. Secretary of State — I have the honor to inform you, that, by a tel- 
egram, dated i6th (28th) of this month, from St. Petersburg, Prince Gortchakofif 
informs me that his IMajesty the Emperor of all the Russias gives his consent 
to the cession of the Russian possessions on the American continent to the 
United States, for the stipulated sum of $7,200,000 in gold, and that his Majesty 
the Emperor invests me with full powers to negotiate and sign the treaty. 



THE ACQUISITION OF ALASKA. 431 

" Please accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the assurance of my very high consid- 
eration. ' "Stoeckl. 
"To Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States." 

" Territorial acquisitions are among the landmarks of our 
history. In 1803, Louisiana, embracing the valley of the 
Mississippi, was acquired from France for fifteen million 
dollars. In 18 19 Florida was acquired from Spain for 
about three million dollars. In 1845 Texas was annexed 
without purchase, but subsequently, under the compromise 
of 1850, an allowance of twelve and three-fourths million 
dollars was made to her. In 1848, California, New Mex- 
ico, and Utah were acquired from Mexico after war, and 
on payment of fifteen million dollars. In 1854 Arizona was 
acquired from Mexico for ten million dollars. And now it 
is proposed to acquire Russian America. 

"The passion for acquisition, so strong in the individual, 
is not less strong in the community. A nation seeks an 
outlying territory, as an individual seeks an oudying farm. 
The passion shows itself constantly. France, passing into 
Africa, has annexed Algeria. Spain set her face in the 
same direction, but without the same success." 

There was a great deal of opposition to this great 
achievement. Mr. Sumner, in his later years, saw new 
glories in this great country of ours, and yet in vindicating 
the purchase of Alaska, his tone became almost apologetic, 
but he did not flinch from the main question and purpose, 
the imperial enlargement of our landed possessions. Sec- 
retary Seward was one of the broadest-minded statesmen 
America has produced, and yet he forced conditions upon 
Russia that might have lost, to the nation, the vast endow- 
ment of the American people for the hereafter, gained in the 
Arctic purchase. Practically this was going beyond seas, and 
was a bold precedent for the ambitious policy that now sends 
fleets and armies to occupy and possess tropical islands. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 

Our Policy in Relation to China and Our Opposition to the Second Opium War 
— The Confidence of China in the United States — The Protection Offered 
China by the United States, through Her Representatives -The Fall of 
China Principally Due to Her Opposition to Christian CiviHzation — The 
Fame of " Chinese Gordon " the Work of an American — China's Recog- 
nition of the Services of Our Countrymen. 

There is an instructive sketch by Wm. E. Curtis, Esq., 
in " The United States and Foreign Powers," referring to 
the year 1857, when Mr. W. B. Reed was appointed Envoy 
and Minister there : 

"The British and French were united in their demands 
upon China, and desired the assistance of the United States 
in armed co-operation. This, however, was refused. Our 
pohcy was to gain everything necessary by peaceful and 
friendly overtures alone, a course also most consistently 
followed by the Russian minister, Count Pontiatine. Mr. 
Reed was particularly instructed to say to the Chinese that 
we were not parties to the existing hostilities — the second 
opium war, as it may justly be termed, having begun — but 
our people desired only to engage in trade under suitable 
guarantees for their protection, and that the United States 
Government did not wish to legalize the opium trade, in 
violation of the laws of China. 

"The correspondence between the Chinese Commis- 
sioner Yeh, at Canton, and Mr. Reed, is curiously illus- 
trative of the skill and elegance of composition so typical of 
a learned Chinese diplomat. Mr. Reed says that citizens 
of the United States ' have suffered many wrongs from the 
432 



OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 



435 



rulers and people of China.' Yeh says: • But allow me to 
observe that since the merchants and citizens of the United 
States have come to China to trade, they have ever been 
treated with courtesy and kindness, and therefore can have 
no wrongs to redress.' When Mr. Reed expressed his 
regret that the Commissioner was unable to meet him for a 
personal interview, the Commissioner replied : ' From this 
it is plainly to be perceived that your excellency well under- 
stands the position of things, and the heartfelt regrets which 
you express have greatly tranquillized my feelings' — which 
means that a personal interview is not necessary, and, 
indeed, it was not accorded. In fact, the tranquil and 
extremely arrogant Yeh could not be made to acknowledge 
that there was anything wrong or inoperative about the old 
treaty. 'Our two countries,' he said, 'are like two good 
friends,' and since making the treaty 'are still in every 
respect on the best of terms.' 

" The scene of action now changes. Finding satisfactory 
negotiations at Canton impossible, Mr. Reed determined to 
proceed to Pekin. The British and French fleets were 
about to sail for the mouth of the Peiho, there to demand 
satisfaction for their wrongs, if necessary, by an armed 
demonstration at Pekin. Mr, Reed accompanied them, 
and was an observer of all that took place at Taku, but 
not a participant in any of the warlike operations. All his 
influence was exerted to prevent hostilities, but in vain. 
The allies captured the Taku forts and sailed up the tor- 
tuous channel to Tientsin, where new treaties were drawn 
up by all the Powers represented, and duly signed. It was 
aofreed that ratifications should be exchangred the next 
yeai*. 

"The treaty negotiated by Mr. Reed, signed June i8, 
1858, gave the United States the right of direct corres- 
25 



43^ 



OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 



pondence with the Privy Council at the capital. Under 
certain limitations the United States minister was to be 
allowed to visit Pekin annually, but permanent residence 
was not granted. The ports Niuchwang, Tangchow (Che- 
foo), Swatow, Taiwan, Tamsui, and Kiungchow were opened 
to the foreign trade at this time. 

" When this treaty was signed, and for several years 
before and afterwards, the country was in the midst of a 
disastrous civil war, which threatened the dynasty with 
extinction and the restoration of the Mings. This was the 
famous Taiping insurrection. The Emperor, Tao Kuang, 
died on the 26th of February, 1850. 'At the hour mao in 
the morning his celestial majesty transmitted the imperial 
dignity to his fourth son, and in the evening at the hour of 
hai, he set off for the abode of the gods.' The new Em- 
peror was a young man of nineteen, who assumed the title 
of Hienfung. One of his first acts was to dismiss and 
degrade two of the best and highest officers in the court, 
and appoint in their stead, persons most fanatically 
opposed to the foreign barbarians, as the Europeans were 
designated. 

" There was an old prophecy in China that about this 
time, 1 85 1, the former dynasty of the Mings would be re- 
established. This gave a sort of prophetic promise of vic- 
tory to the rebellion, which just then broke out in Kiansi 
and soon assumed such threatening proportions as seri- 
ously to endanger the government. It was originally a re- 
ligious movement, inspired without any doubt by the teach- 
ings of the Christian 'missionaries, although by no means 
conducted in the interest, or with any clear conception, of 
the Christian religion. In 1852 the pretender occupied a 
throne at Nankin and issued edicts dated ' the first year 
of Taiping of the dynasty of the late Mings.' 



OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 



437 



" This great rebellion, which for ten long years desolated 
the country, was finally suppressed with foreign aid. The 
British general, Gordon, has won all the fame and laurels 
for the result, but the true victor was the one who organ- 
ized and led the Ever Victorious Army, We read of him 
in English books as ' an American adventurer named 
Ward.' He may have been an adventurer, and he certainly 
was an American named Frederick Ward ; but he fell at 
the head of his men in 1862, at a time when General Gor- 
don had only to reap the honors for the completion of a 
work already nearly done. Whatever may be said on the 
other side as to the relative merits of the two men, the 
one a mere 'adventurer,' if you like, the other an officer in 
the British army, one fact remains to testify how the Chinese 
recognized the services of our countryman. Only two 
foreigners have ever been awarded posthumous honors by 
the emperor of China. One of these is Frederick Ward 
and the other, Anson Burlingame. 

" It soon became obvious that the commissioners were 
determined to delay the exchange of ratifications beyond 
the date appointed, and also that they designed to prevent 
the foreign envoys from reaching Pekin. The latter de- 
cided to lose no more time, so they left Shanghai, and in a 
few days were again at anchor in the Gulf of Pechili. 
Greatly to their surprise they found the entrance to the 
Peiho closed by barricades, and the forts at Taku repaired 
and strengthened. The indications were that the approach 
of the foreigners to Pekin would be met with resistance. 
The British admiral demanded the removal of the obstruc- 
tions, adding, that if not removed by the morning of the 
25th of July, he would order them blown up. Mr. Ward, 
however, determined to make an attempt to reach Pekin 
in advance. Accordingly, he crossed the bar early on 



438 OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 

the following' day, in a small steamer, but when about half a 
mile from the forts the steamer grounded, and he had to 
remain there until the evening tide enabled him to return 
to the Powhatan. About midnight the British began re- 
moving the barriers, and the forts opened fire on the ships. 
The next day the battle began in earnest, and the British 
suffered an ignominious defeat. This broke off all nego- 
tiations on the part of the English and French, who forth- 
with returned to Shanghai. 

" Mr. Ward, however, opened correspondence with the 
governor of Chihli and expressed his desire to visit Pekin 
in accordance with the provisions of the treaty. In reply 
the governor stated that he would be conducted to Pekin 
from Pehtang, a port a few miles north of Taku ; and that 
carts, horses and .coolies would be provided for the journey 
by the provincial treasury. Accordingly Mr. Ward and his 
suite went to Pekin, but subjected to annoying restrictions. 

"The next year the British and French returned to the 
Peiho with a powerful fleet and army. They again cap- 
tured the forts at Taku, and marched to Pekin. Their 
treaties were ratified in the Hall of Ceremonies, and the 
British embassy was then established in the city." 

It has always been the policy of the United States to 
treat with the Asiatic Nations diplomatically, and not by 
force of arms. There is only one instance in history where 
our guns were turned against China, and that was through 
no fault of the home government. It was Josiah Tattnall, 
flag-officer of the Asiatic station, who was born in Bona- 
venture near Savannah, Georgia, and was educated in 
England under the supervision of his grandfather in 1805- 
1 1. On returning to the United States in 181 1, he entered 
the navy as a midshipman, and on the 15 th of October, 
1857, was appointed flag-officer of the Asiatic station. 



OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 



439 



He found China at war with the alHed EngUsh and French 
fleets, and went to the scene of operations at Peiho. 
Shortly before the engagement his flag-ship grounded and 
was towed off by the EngHsh boats. This service was 
taken as an excuse for subsequent active participation 
in the attack on the Chinese. In explanation of his 
violation of neutrality, Tattnall exclaimed that "blood 
was thicker than water." He was sustained in his course 
by public opinion at the time, and also by the govern- 
ment. On February 2nd, 1861, he resigned his commis- 
sion as captain in the navy, and offered his services to 
the governor of Georgia. He was commissioned senior 
flag-officer of the Georgia navy February 28th, 1861, and 
in March, 1861, he became a captain in the Confederate 
navy, and was ordered to command the naval defences of 
Georgia and South Carolina. On November 7th, 1861, he 
led an improvised naval force against the attack on Port 
Royal. He conducted attacks on the blockading fleet at 
the mouth of the Savannah, constructed batteries for the 
defence of that river, and materially delayed the operations 
of the national forces. In March, 1862, he was ordered to 
relieve Franklin Buchanan, who was wounded in the 
engagement with the " Monitor," and took command of the 
"Merrimac" and the naval defences of the waters of Vir- 
ginia. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

We must go up and to the Front — All the Land we have Annexed has been 
Good for the People— We have Reached the Limit on this Continent 
and Need Islands— The Duties Belonging to our Growth and Destiny. 

The progress of mankind summons the nation ot the 
United States of North America to exercise the influence 
belonging to a great people, and participate, as a power, 
in the affairs of the world. 

The century, whose closing years we have reached, has 
been, in human advancement, equal to a thousand years 
of other times, and we have been exceptional in growth in 
all that increases resources and responsibilities. 

The citizens of this republic revere the memory of the 
fathers, and have so affectionate a regard for their pre- 
cepts, and respect for that which they accomplished, it 
seems unfaithful not to recognize the limitations of those 
who fought out the Revolution, framed the Constitution, 
converted the colonies into states, and formed a "more 
perfect union " than the confederation. 

However, it is clear to the students of our country's ex- 
pansion and consolidation that the men of the Revolution 
had but an imperfect idea of the immensity of the fabric of 
which they laid the deep foundations. Washington and 
Jefferson were the men who, more than others of their day, 
had foresight of the stupendous destiny of the people who 
absorbed, to themselves, the splendid name of America, 
and gave the word a glorious, national character, though 
geographically it comprehended two vast continents. Wash- 
ington, whose appreciation of the West exceeded that of 
440 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 441 

his o-eneration, did not understand that we had a future 
beyond the Mississippi, and Jefferson had not, in his su- 
perb and searching foresight, beheld the Pacific as a boun- 
dary of the repubUc, until Washington was in his grave, 
and the Louisiana Purchase made a vast reality out of a 
vision few dreamers had dared to dream. 

The first necessities in founding a nation are people of 
integrity and capacity, active in good works, bravery and 
enterprise, rich in vital force, and land upon which they can 
increase in population, and thrive through productive in- 
dustry. 

We, of the United States have had unexampled happy 
fortune in gaining the territory indispensable to our im- 
perial development. 

In this volume is recorded the story of the Conquest of 
the North-western Territory by George Rogers Clark. 
There is perpetual surprise that there was so enormous a 
gain by ways so rude, and means so scanty. 

Including all that Clark occupied and possessed for 
Virginia, through the capture of Kaskaskia and Vincennes, 
we started where the boundaries were formed between 
our premises and those of Great Britain, with less than one- 
fourth the area of the landed estate that is our unchal- 
lenged dominion. 

The territory of the United States was acquired in ces- 
sions by foreign nations as follows : 

NATION. DATE OF TREATY. AMOUNT PAID. AREA SQ. MILES. 

1. Great Britain, .... Sept. 3, 1783 827,844 

2. France Apr. 30, 1803 $15,000,000 i,i7i.93i 

3. Spain Feb. 22, 1819 6,500,000 59,268 

4. Texas March 2, 1845 10,000,000 376,133 

5. Mexico, Feb. 2, 1848 15,000,000 545783 

6. " . Dec. 30, 1853 10,000,000 45.535 

7_ Russia March 30, 1867 7,200,000 577,39" 

Total area of the United States 3,603,884 



442 OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

It should be remembered that the whole area of the 
United States was given away by patents or grants. In 
1609, for instance, King James L, of England, granted a 
charter to the so-called Virginia Companies of a strip of 
country four hundred miles wide, extending from the At- 
lantic westward. It was to be measured from Old Point 
Comfort, two hundred miles north and two hundred miles 
south. In 1620 the Plymouth Company obtained a charter 
to the so-called "Great Patent," comprising the country 
between the fortieth and forty-eighth parallel of latitude, 
extending from the Adantic Ocean westward. Under this 
grant all the earliest settlements in New England were 
made, the Plymouth Company making sub-grants for this 
purpose. One of the first of these was the grant to the 
Massachusetts Bay Company of the lands lying between 
the lines drawn three miles north of all parts of the Merri- 
mac, and three miles south of the Charles River and of 
Massachusetts Bay. This grant was made in 1629. 

The territory of Connecticut was granted in 1631 by the 
Plymouth Company to Lords Say-and-Seal, Brooke and 
others. Its limits were defined as follows : " All of that 
part of New England west of the Narragansett, extending 
the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the 
seashore, towards the south and west, as the coast lieth 
towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the 
league ; and also all and singular lands and hereditaments 
whatsoever, lying and being within the lands aforesaid, 
north and south in latitude, and in breadth and length, a 
longitude of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout 
all the mainlands there from the western to the South Sea." 

The first charter of the Carolinas was granted to Sir 
Walter Raleigh in 1584, and as the attempts at coloniza- 
tion under the original grant failed, Connecticut made a 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 44^ 

grant of the CaroHnas to Earl Clarendon in 1663, including 
in it the territory lying between the thirty-first and thirty- 
sixth parallels and the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. 

The lines of the original grants mark, in a great many 
instances, the boundary lines between our States. The 
original limits of the United States at the close of the 
Revolution extended as far west as the Mississippi, and as 
far south as the boundary line between Georgia and 
Florida. The Treaty of Peace between the United States 
and Great Britain, concluded September 3d, 1783, conceded 
this boundary; but no sooner had the treaty been ratified 
when the northern boundary line became a source of con- 
tention between the two countries, which was not settled 
until 1872. In the Treaty of London, signed November 
19, 1794, provision was made for ascertaining whether a 
line drawn due west from the northwest point of the Lake 
of the Woods would strike the Mississippi. This question 
was not settled, however, until 181 8. The same treaty 
made provision for the settlement of the identity of the 
River St. Croix. The line was established along this 
stream, and a monument was erected at the head of its 
northern branch, the Cheputneticook, for the purpose of 
defining that branch. 

By the Treaty of Ghent, December 24, 1815, provision 
was made for a final adjustment of the northern boundary, 
but no definite agreement was reached. In 181 8 it was 
agreed that the boundary line should be extended westward 
on the 47th parallel of latitude from the Lake of the Woods 
to the Rocky Mountains, and that the country west of the 
Rocky Mountains should be free and open to the citizens 
of both countries for a period of ten years. 

In 1824-26 negotiations were again opened for the set- 
tlement of the boundary west of the Rocky Mountains, but 



444 OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

again no agreement was reached, as both parties insisted 
on the legahty of their claim. In 1827 the points of differ- 
ence between the two countries, with regard to the northern 
boundary of Maine, were referred to the King of the Nether- 
lands as an arbitrator. The decision of the King was a 
compromise, making the course of St. John's River the 
boundary line. 

This was agreed to by Great Britain, but was strongly 
opposed by the citizens of Maine. It at one time threatened 
to be the cause of war. 

By the Webster- Ashburton Treaty, concluded in 1842, 
the boundary was established finally, very nearly as decided 
by the royal arbitrator. This treaty also finally established 
the boundary as far West as the Rocky Mountains. 

By the treaty with Great Britain in 1846, the northern 
boundary was continued from the Rocky Mountains west- 
ward to the straits of Juan de Fuca, along the 49th 
parallel, and down through the main channel of the above 
straits to the Pacific. The question immediately arose, 
however, as to the definition of the " main ship channel," in 
the straits of Juan de Fuca. The English claimed the 
Rosario Strait, while the United States claimed that it 
should follow the Canal Haro. This dispute was settled by 
arbitration of the Emperor of Germany, who decided in 
favor of the United States on the 21st day of October, 1872, 
thus disposing of the last remaining point at issue. 

Concerning the Southern boundary, the boundaries be- 
tween the Thirteen Original States were, at the organiza- 
tion of the United States Government, established very 
nearly as they are at present, with the exception of the 
western lands owned or claimed by several of the States. 
Maine was a province of Massachusetts ; Vermont was 
part of New York State; Massachusetts had very nearly its 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



445 



present boundaries and area, but also laid claim to all of 
the country lying west of a meridian, passing- twenty miles 
west of Niagara River, extending south to latitude 42.2, 
and west to the Mississippi River, an area some seventy or 
eighty miles in breadth, and comprising the southern part 
of Michigan and Wisconsin, and the northern part of 
Illinois. Connecticut also laid claim to the country west 
of the western boundary of Pennsylvania to the Missis- 
sippi, between latitude 41 and 42.2, being the northern 
part of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and the southern part of 
Michicran. 

New York state laid claim, under an old charter, to all 
of the lands between the source of the Great Lakes and 
the Cumberland mountains. Pennsylvania did not origi- 
nally extend to Lake Erie ; that area has been since added 
and previously belonged to the state of New York. Vir- 
ginia laid claim to the area covered by West Virginia, 
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and that part 
of Minnesota lying east of the Mississippi. North Carolina 
claimed the territory covered by the state of Tennessee ; 
South Carolina laid claim to a narrow strip of country, four- 
teen miles wide, south of the 35th parallel of latitude, also 
extending to the Mississippi. 

Georgia had, with the exception of the latter strip, an 
undoubted title, in addition to its own area, to the portion 
of Alabama and Mississippi then owned by the United 
States. The oreanization of territories, the admission of 
states, and the principal changes in the boundary lines of 
states and territories will be here briefly stated. 

In 1788 what was known as the North-west Territory, 
comprising the present states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
Michigan, Wisconsin and that part of Minnesota east of 
the Mississippi River, was organized. 



446 OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

March 4, 1791, Vermont was admitted as a state. 

March 30, 1 791, the District of Columbia, comprising one 
hundred square miles, was ceded to the United States by 
the states of Maryland and Virginia. June 1, 1792, Ken- 
tucky was admitted to the Union. June i, 1796, Tennessee 
became one of the states. 

April 7, 1 798, Mississippi Territory was organized from a 
portion of the lands ceded by Georgia, comprising about 
one-half of the southern area of the states of Alabama 
and Mississippi. Jurisdiction over this area, however, 
remained with the state of Georgia. 

May 7, 1800, Indiana Territory was organized. It was 
constituted from that portion of the North-west Territory 
lying west of the present eastern boundary line of Indiana 
and extending due north to the Great Lakes. 

April 30, 1802, that part of the state of Michigan east of 
the eastern boundary of Indiana was added to Indiana Ter- 
ritory. The state of Ohio attained its present boundary, 
also a narrow strip in the northernmost part. 

On November 29, 1802, Ohio was admitted to the Union 
as a state. 

1804, Mississippi Territory was enlarged by the addi- 
tion of the remainder of the present areas of Alabama 
and Mississippi, with the exception of those portions 
to the south of the 31st parallel extending to the Gulf of 
Mexico. 

1804, the Territory of Orleans was organized, comprising 
the present area of Louisiana, with the exception of the 
portion between the Amite river, and Lakes Mourepas and 
Pontchartrain and the Pearl river. The remainder of the 
Louisiana Purchase continued to bear the name of Louis- 
iana Territory. 

June 30, 1805, Michigan Territory was organized from 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 447 

the northern part of Indiana Territory, between Lake Su- 
perior, Lake Michigan and Lake Huron. 

February 3, 1809, the Territory of llHnois was formed. 
April 30, 181 2, Orleans Territory was admitted as a state 
under the name of Louisiana, and Louisiana Territory was 
changed to Missouri Territory. 

181 2, Mississippi Territory was enlarged by the addition 
of the portions extending to the Gulf of Mexico, below the 
2 1 St parallel. 

December 11, 18 16, Indiana was admitted as a state, 
with its present boundaries. 

March 3, 181 7, Alabama Territory was created from a 
part of Mississippi Territory, excepting that portion below 
the 31st parallel. 

December 10, 181 7, Mississippi was admitted to the 
Union as a state. 

December 3, 181 8, Illinois was admitted to the Union. 

March 2, 18 19, Arkansas Territory was created from a 
part of Missouri Territory, its western boundary extending 
to the Spanish possessions, afterwards ceded to the United 
States. 

December 14, 18 19, Alabama was admitted to statehood 
with its present limits. 

March i 5, 1820, Maine was detached from Massachusetts 
and admitted to the Union. August 10, 182 1. the state of 
Missouri was formed from part of Missouri Territory and 
was admitted as a state. 

March 30, 1822, Florida Territory was organized, com- 
prising the area purchased from Spain in 1819. 

In 1828 the western boundary of Arkansas Territory was 
reduced to Its present area. 

June 15, 1836, Arkansas was admitted to statehood. 

July 30, 1836, Wisconsin Territory was organized from 



448 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



parts of Michigan and Missouri Territories. In 1836, the 
western boundary of Missouri was changed, estabHshing 
the present area of that state. 

In 1836 the northern boundary of Ohio was readjusted, 
giving the state its present area. 

January 26, 1837, Michigan was admitted to the Union. 

July 3, 1838, Iowa Territory was created. 

March 3, 1845, Iowa was admitted to statehood. March 
3, 1845, Florida was admitted to the Union. 

December 29, 1 845, Texas, which had declared her inde- 
pendence of Mexico in 1836, joined the United States. 

July 9, 1846, that portion of the District of Columbia 
which had been ceded to the general government by Vir- 
ginia, was retroceded to that state. 

December 28th, 1846, the boundary of the state of Iowa 
was readjusted, giving it its present limits. May 29, 1848, 
Wisconsin was admitted as a state. August 14, 1848, the 
Territory of Oregon was created, comprising the present 
states of Washington, Oregon, Idaho and part of Montana. 

March 3, 1849, Minnesota Territory was created, com- 
prising that part of the former Territory of Iowa now in- 
cluded in the State of Iowa, and extendinof east to the 
western boundary of Wisconsin. 

In 1850, Texas sold to the general government, all of 
her original area not included in her present limits, for 
$10,000,000. 

September 9, 1850, California was admitted as a state. 
September 9, 1850, Utah Territory was created. It ex- 
tended as far west as California, and east to the Rocky 
Mountains, south to the 37th parallel and north to the 42d 
parallel. 

December 13, 1850, the Territory of New Mexico was 
created ; its area being composed of the remainder of the 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. ^g 

land acquired from Mexico, and a part of the land sold to 
the United States by Texas. 

On March 2, 1853, Washington Territory was organized, 
extending east to the Rocky Mountains. 

December 30, 1853, the area of New Mexico Territory 
was increased by the Gadsden purchase. 

May 30, 1854, Nebraska Territory was created. It com- 
prised all of the region between the 40th and 49th parallels 
from the Missouri to the Rocky Mountains. 

May 30, 1854, Kansas Territory was created. It ex- 
tended from the southern boundary of Nebraska Territory 
to the 37th parallel, and from the Missouri to the Rocky 
Mountains. 

May II, 1858, Minnesota was admitted to statehood. 

February 14, 1859, Oregon was admitted to the Union. 
The remaining part of Oregon Territory was added to 
Washington Territory. 

January 29, 1861, Kansas was admitted as a state. 

February 28, 1861, Colorado Territory was created from 
portions of Utah, New Mexico, Kansas and Nebraska Ter- 
ritory. 

March 21, 1861, Dakota Territory was formed from part 
of Minnesota and Nebraska Territory. It extended from 
its present eastern boundary to the summit of the Rocky 
Mountains. 

March 2, 1861, Nevada Territory was created from part 
of Utah Territory. 

February 24, 1863, Arizona Territory was formed from 
portions of New Mexico Territory. 

March 3, 1863, Idaho Territory was formed from por- 
tions of Washington, Dakota, and Nebraska Territory. 
Its original limits comprised the present States of Idaho, 
Montana, Wyoming, and part of Utah. 



450 



01 R INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



\ 



June 19, 1863, West Virginia was admitted to statehood. 

May 26, 1864, Montana Territory was created, 

October 31, 1864, Nevada was admitted to statehood. 
Its boundary was moved one degree of longitude further 
east. 

In 1866 the eastern boundary of Nevada was moved a 
second degfree further east. 

March i, 1867, Nebraska was admitted to statehood. 

July 25, 1868, Wyoming Territory was created. 

February 1 7, 1 873, Congress, under the erroneous impres- 
sion that by a mistake in defining boundaries, a part of 
Dakota had been left detached, near the point where Idaho, 
Montana and Wyoming joined, passed an Act adding such 
area to Montana. 

August I, 1876, Colorado was admitted to the Union. 

November 2, 1889, North and South Dakota were ad- 
mitted to statehood. 

November 11, 1889, Washington became a state. 

July 3, 1890, Idaho was admitted to the Union. July 
II, 1890, Wyoming was added to the Union of states. 
January 4, 1896, Utah was admitted. 

Cession of the Province of Louisiana. — This province 
was granted by Louis XIV,, September 14, 171 2, to An- 
thony Crozart for fifteen years. It was afterwards granted 
for twenty-five years to the "Western Company," or, as 
afterward called, "Company of the Indies," of which John 
Law was principal mover. The grant was surrendered to 
the Crown in 1730, The province was ceded by France to 
Spain, February 10, 1763, Formal possession was given, 
August 18, 1769, Spain re-ceded the province to France, 
October i, 1800. France ceded it to the United States 
by treaty, April 30, 1803. 

Its western boundary, as finally adjusted by treaty with 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 453 

Spain, February 22, 1819, was as loUows : Up the Sabine 
River, to and along the 94ih meridian, to and along the Red 
River, and to and along the looth meridian, to and along 
the Arkansas river to its source, thence due north to and 
along the 42d parallel to the Pacific Ocean. 

Its northern boundary has conformed to the boundary 
established between the British possessions and the United 
States. 

Its eastern boundary was regarded as the Mississippi 
River, as far south as the 31st parallel, where different 
boundaries were claimed. 

Spain claimed, that by her cession to France in 1800, she 
ceded no territory east of the Mississippi River, except the 
Island of New Orleans ; and also claimed that her province 
of West Florida included the territory south of the 31st 
parallel, and between the Perdido and Mississippi Rivers, 
except the Island of New Orleans. 

The United States construed the cession of France to 
include this disputed territory. 

The Province of Louisiana, as claimed by the United 
States, included the area of the present states of Alabama 
and Mississippi, below the 31st parallel; all of Louisiana, 
Arkansas, Missouri and Iowa ; that part of Minnesota west 
of the Mississippi River, and a line drawn from its source 
to the international boundary line; all of Dakota, Nebraska 
and Indian Country; all of Kansas, except a small south- 
western portion, bounded north by the Arkansas River, 
west of the looth meridian ; all of Colorado north of the 
Arkansas River, and east of the Rocky Mountains ; all of 
Wyoming east of the io6th meridian, and north of the 42d 
parallel, and all of Montana, Idaho, Washington and Oregon. 

When the American Colonies of England became free, 
they were war-worn, and the thought of resumption of hos- 
26 



454 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



tilities with the British, for the sake of wild land, was dis- 
tressing. Besides there was a party then, as now, favorable 
to a select sort of country, a conveniently compact territory, 
and especially a homogeneous people. It was feared a 
Republican form of government could not be maintained 
unless the people were much alike and well acquainted. 
There was, as now, a sense of alarm about foreigners com- 
ing across the Atlantic and endowed with as many rights 
as those born on the soil, and it was held to be disturbino- 
that we expanded so rapidly as not to allow the older parts 
of the country to be perfected before going further to fare 
better or worse. There was, indeed, opposition not merely 
to immigration from Europe, but to emigration that had 
a tendency to found new cities rather than improve old 
ones, and clear fresh fields rather than go on with old ones. 
There was, altogether, a strong public opinion against the 
United States becoming a Great Country, because it was 
too much trouble, and Republicanism was so far untried 
that it was extra-hazardous to attempt too much. Hence 
the Ohio Valley might have been sacrificed — indeed, was in 
danger for a time, because the area of the then west, now 
the heart of the country, was so astounding that the people 
would be so widely scattered, it could not be possible to 
look after them. It took some time to find out that the 
people could manage thernselves very well, and that thinly 
settled regions were, as a rule, those in which the spirit of 
unconquerable liberty and popular independence was as 
intense and intrepid as it was invincible. It is apparent, 
when we look on the map of North America, that we did 
not capture all the continent, and as we glance at the British 
possessions, we perceive that the narrowness of the margins, 
by which we were enabled to cover that which we have, 
might have become too narrow for the broad base of the 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. ^rj- 

Structure that is our country, and the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi might have eluded us as the mouth of the St. 
Lawrence has done. The lesson of our experience in an- 
nexing territory " adding farm to farm " is never to omit 
the improvement of an opportunity to " enlarge the area of 
freedom " — our freedom. 

We never had occasion to regret the acquisition of land 
that we have annexed. In the Louisiana purchase we o-ot 
more than twice as many square miles as we took with us 
from England when we organized ourselves to attend to 
our own affairs. 

The rapidity of our growth, the unbounded provision 
thus far abundant for people, and the volume of immigra- 
tion that poured riches, both of labor and capital, upon our 
shores, is displayed in a starding manner in the letter of 
Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, to Baron Hulsemann, in 
which the grand, old Secretary boasted that we had twenty- 
five millions of citizens, and that we should soon surpass 
the Austrian Empire in population ! 

Now we have three dmes the number Daniel Webster 
took pride in, and the foreigners who have landed here and 
made their homes with us and become Americanized by the 
mighty chemistry of the political atmosphere, joined to the 
potency of our soil and climate and insdtutions, so that the 
nativism that has occasionally been conspicuously ultra 
and active, providing instructive episodes, loses strength as 
the percentage of the native-born increases. 

It is the annexation of continental land that has made the 
United States of to-day possible. Without this policy of 
prophecy and materialization of ambition, as traced through 
the chapters of this " Book of the Episodes of American 
History," and that too closely related to our affairs to be 
ignored, we would not be in the front-line position we have 



450 



OUIf /J\rr£JlA^Ar/ONAL POLICY. 



attained amoiii; the nations, but cornerevi botwoon tlie 
Alleghenies and tlie Atlantic, widi Florida as Spanish as 
Culxi was: the mouth of the Mississippi and the vast valley 
itself the possession of some European power ; the slope 
to the Pacific Mexican or Bridsh, and Texas, die France of 
America, dominating die Gulf of Mexico, die American 
Mediterranean, an independent republic or an invaluable 
colony under the pR">tection of some sovereign beyond the 
seas, our place must have been, at best, that of a very 
respectable second-class power. Wo would not have been 
bounded west and oast b\ oceans, and north and south 
by the Greater Lakes, and the most excellently environed 
Gulf of the globe. The masterful position we hold was 
liardh- within the range of our own vision until, forced 
into w.\r with Spain, to relieve the greatest, richest and 
fairest of American islands from the corrupt, cruel, and 
biirbarous oppression, most inhuman. per\-orso, and re- 
m >rseless. we sent a deet from Hong Kong to add 
glory to our arms at Manila, and reinforced our pioneer 
ships from our shore of the Pacific, at the same time mus- 
tering squadrons in the ports of die peninsula and keys of 
Florida to blockade contested Cuba, die trap, l^aited with 
sugar, tobacco and customs-houses, in which tlie Spanish 
army was beleaguered. We have gone as far as we can on 
the condnent, without unduly crowding our neighbors, 
whose friendliness we are prc>foundly interested in pre- 
serving and making more cordial, and fuller of sympadiy 
than it has been. We have gained, pardy in war and partly 
in peace, the land once belonging to Mexico that is most 
convenient and profitable to us and of least imporrance to 
Mexicans. Her bulk was in the way of our march of des- 
tiny, and it was no dishonor for her to part with a portion of 
her patrimony not vital to her nadonality, and we bought 



ni'h' /A'//A\y.r/7(>A:i/. /vv/ri: 45^ 

a orc>at deal of i(, |)ayinL; a fair prices Wc t:;m liardl)' 
say tliat our oaiii was lu-r loss, lor vvlillc iiii([n('siionaI)l)' wr. 
wcvc orcat oraiiu-rs, her loss was 110L c()nsick;ral)lc-, did noL 
ahalc tlu> ciUM-oy or l^rcak tin; spirit of her [x^oplc. Iii(l(M-d, 
we seem, (hroii:^;!! tin; adjiistinciils of hallK^s and ircalics, lo 
liave loiiiid die natural hoiiiidarics of llic ivvo nations, and 
we shoukl dwell side by sitle, sister republics, with mutual 
L;()od will. It would be somethiny more than unkindly or 
ungenerous, it would be unprincipletl, for us to covc:t more 
land Irom Mexico. Some day soon we shall have occasion, 
as our railroad systems [ivc. already united, to pool, with 
Mexico, our common interests in a railroatl that will be 
grander as an accomplishmcMit of Americans of North and 
South anil Central Americas than the Russian road thnKiL;h 
Siberia, connecting; with a highway of steel northern luirope 
and y\sia, from the Baltic to the Yellow Sea. 

We mean a road that, bctjinnino- in Alaska, shall ])ass 
throuofh British Columbia and our Pacihc States and 
Mexico, and the more Central American Stat('s — the 
Isthmus of Darien — and penetrate the Andes, and fork in 
the heart of South America, strike the two oceans at Val- 
paraiso and Montevideo. 

This road is the missino- link In the union of the Ameri- 
can nations, and will prove of advantaj^e to all in the rela- 
tions of commerce and political association. We cannot, 
with a sense of justice or a calculation of profit, count upon 
further Southern aggrandizement in continental land. We 
look to the cultivation of amicable understandings and a 
better appreciation of obligations that are coincident and 
reciprocal with other American republics. Looking north- 
ward, we fmd, that in spite of the establishment of our 
nationality, the accumulation of landed resources by the 
generalship and statesmanship of George Washington and 



458 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



George Rogers Clark; the commanding genius for accumu- 
lation by Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and James K. 
Polk; the saving journey of the missionary from Oregon, 
who crossed the continent on one of the grandest missions 
any citizen has conceived and performed, the British Em- 
pire holds, in a firm grasp, a gigantic share of the continents, 
and we more and more highly estimate the value of those 
northern fields on which the sun makes up for long absence 
in winter with long shining in summer. The long, far- 
slanting, living sunlight, doing the work in weeks, that in 
lower latitudes requires the ripening rays of lingering 
months ; and we put also in the catalogue of possessions, 
as the earth grows smaller and is flattened faster towards 
the poles, not only the golden wheat-fields, but the forests 
that are the timber resources of ancient peoples, brought 
at last within reach by the marvels of modern trans- 
portation. 

The rivers, lakes and bays, peopled with incredible 
swarms of countless millions of food-fishes, the game that 
gives hunters the reputation of heroes, and the mines that 
are stored with almost all the minerals found essential to 
civilization. Including gold that has made the Klondike a 
word that has the significance of California half a century 
ago, and guarantees the labor of mankind and the capital 
whose activity aids in industrial enterprise, against the 
scarcity of the metal that is most approved in money 
centres as the money that has the better qualifications. 
England's enormous American empire is our northern 
border land ; but the thought of it no longer oppresses 
enlightened Americans, and we have ceased to regard, as 
menacing, the military and naval stations of Great Britain 
on the North Pacific, the north and south Atlantic and the 
Caribbean sea. England is our friend, if we care to take 



OLR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 450 

Up the sword and scepter of empire. She has asked our 
sympathy in the issue raised in China by the order of mili- 
tary possession, in the slowly declining and crumbling 
Chinese empire, displayed by Russia, Germany and France. 
The British sentiment as to China is legitimately based 
upon commercial supremacy. American statesmanship 
will not fail to respond to the friendliness of Great Britain. 
It comes opportunely. Our politics will lack statesmanship 
if it misses the comprehension of the auspicious conditions 
that prevail. We could hardly find, if we had our choice 
among nations, neighbors better disposed than Canada and 
Mexico. England has respected our claim upon Hawaii, 
and has given the potency of her ponderous inertia in 
opposition to the intervention — by the powers that counte- 
nanced and promoted the recent crushing of Greece by 
Turkey — in the war between our country and Spain. 
Lord Salisbury characterizes the nations of the earth, with 
reference apparently to our relations with Spain, as the 
living and the dead. The progressive development and 
decay of peoples and powers goes on with the regularity 
of the processions of the seasons and the planets. There 
are those that live and prosper, and those that perish. 
Spain was great and has declined by and because of, her 
colonies, and if she has a future of better days, it will be 
because the system so fatal through centuries, for her 
children and herself, is no more. Her health will be found 
in home rule and industries, and the application within the 
peninsula of the labors of her people on their native soil. 
She may be wise enough, some day, to take pride in the 
republics whose language, literature and traditions are her 
own. That is her best hope. The Spain that was arrogant 
in colonization, cruel in conquest and fierce in bigotry, 
must be no more before there can happen the benign 



460 OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 

change of brighter temper and better times. We may, 
with confidence, anticipate that England will welcome us to 
Eastern Asia. With the Philippines for our possession, we 
would have sympathy with England in her contention for 
open ports in China ; and Japan will see in us, when we 
accept Hawaii, with these archipelagoes in the Pacific, the 
Aleutian, Hawaiian and the Philippines at our side, that we 
have become, as Lord Beaconsfield said England was, " a 
great Asiatic power." 

When William H. Seward and Charles Sumner became 
responsible for the public opinion of their country for the 
purchase of Alaska, they were advancing on the right line, 
and in the lofty spirit of John Adams, who refused to give 
up the Ohio country to Great Britain, and they should 
share in the honors, forever due, those who have added land 
to the republic. They invaded the Arctic Zone and found 
there wealth for the generations of Americans to come, 
rivalling the endowment of the Indies, and gifted, too, with a 
stern beauty, not fatal as that of softer airs and fairer skies, 
but swelling to majesty with the opulence that nature yields 
to the hardy tribes of the sea and the mountains, and 
mighty streams that flow like Alf, the sacred river that ran 
" through channels measureless by man." 

The American leaders of to-day will be equal to the oc 
casion of accepting the opportunity of the age for the en- 
largement of the house the fathers built. The wings that 
have been added exceed, by far, the original plans, but the 
architecture is the same. If we should find islands in the 
tropics of America — according to the attractions of our in- 
stitutions, energetic with liberty and radiant with glory, as 
they are, the taking of the goods the gods have provided 
would be in accord with the constitution and the higher 
laws that harmonize the universe, and the stately prece- 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 461 

cedents that are the monumental testimony of the states- 
manship that through the generations of American citizens 
has enlarged the domain of the republic, and expanded the 
area of the freedom that is the fruitful ness of orderly 
liberty. 

One of the groups of islands still belonging to Spain, is 
the Canaries, on the north-western coast of Africa, and it 
would be an excellent position for us to hold near the en- 
trance to the Mediterranean of the Old World. We have, 
in the Gulf of Mexico, our own central sea, and Cuba is 
the commanding island, intruding between Florida and Yu- 
catan, and whether the w^aters of the Mississippi go to the 
ocean by the gulf stream or the Caribbean sea, they wash 
the shores of the beautiful island. If we add Cuba and 
Porto Rico to our annexed territories, we give Spain the 
one thing needful for her, the long-lost privilege of taking 
care of herself unembarrassed by colonies, that under her 
horrible system must be her enemies, and we make provis- 
ion for the future Americans, of islands in African and 
Asiatic waters, and all the continents and zones north of 
the equator will yield us tribute. The American people 
then will have the beauties of all the climates and fruits of 
every tree that blooms for man, and the oceans will be res- 
ervoirs stored with fishes and highways for our ships, the 
Arctic and tropical forests flourishing on our own soil will 
yield their treasures of timber for our handiwork. The 
mountains, from Hawaii to the Philippines, and from Cuba 
and Hawaii to Alaska, will be as warehouses for the min- 
erals for the coming time, which the drills shall reveal at 
depths hitherto unapproachable, and high explosives shall 
cleave the rocks that were once invulnerable, and reveal 
the amazing possession, the abounding globe contains for 
transformation by the science and labor of our race for ele- 



462 



OUR INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 



vation and advancement. This is the ample promise that 
the seed of the righteous shall not want. Already the 
railroads have opened new and immeasurable wheatfields 
that white bread shall be the food of mankind. Once it 
was the sublimity of boastfulness to say, " No pent up 
Utica contracts our powers. The whole boundless conti- 
nent is ours." We have not the whole continent under 
our feet, but the grandest breadth of goodland on earth, 
the property of our people. Imperial as is the domain, we 
have discovered that there are lines that limit us, and that 
if we have inherited the forethougrht of the fathers we must 
seek our share of the islands that are embraced by the 
seas, traversed now by swift steamers and made familiar, 
while there are wires spun through the mighty waters, from 
capital to capital. In the annexation of islands we are but 
conforming to the customs of the days in which we live. 
The whole world is wakeful to the voice of the millions 
calling for more land, for the enlightened nations, that the 
banners of civilization shall be borne forward triumphantly. 
The darkness that has brooded so long is chased away by 
the morning light, to which we must turn our faces uplifted 
to the exalted ideas that are the guiding stars of humanity. 
The deep interests of the living nations, that are the 
greater people organized, in their colonies, is not pheno- 
menal. It is evolved that the conquest of the barbarism, 
that still shadows so great a proportion of the earth, will 
be completed with the aid of the inventions that have more 
and more made man the master of nature and penetrated 
the mysteries of the regions that have so long awaited ex- 
ploration. Only the fallen empires now fail to seek colonies. 
The instinct of the expansion of nations is evidence of 
vitality. Russia is subjugating Siberia with a railroad and 
seeking open gates to all the seas. Ports below the iron 



OJ'R INTERNATIONAL POLICY. 463 

line of frost, on the Pacific ; on the Persian Gulf, that opens 
upon the eastern Indies ; in the Mediterranean ; in the 
ocean that reaches from her northern border to the coast, 
where the rocks of Norway loom above the waste of 
waves, where the narrowing parallels of longitude define 
the contracting shape of our planet, and Asia, Europe and 
Africa are contracted upon a common centre. England 
has already surrounded the earth with her lands and her 
navy rides all the seas. Germany and France are eager 
for the absorption of Africa. China, Spain and Turkey are 
in decadence, and, as their fragments fall, they drift to the 
living nations and are vitalized. These are times of changes 
of transition. What have we, of the United States, to do, 
and what are we to be? Shall we emulate the fathers 
whose principles declared in precept and by example are 
the sources of our greatness ? Shall we pause and accept 
the doom of the inert? Shall we be submissive to the 
theory that we shall grow no more ? If we do, that day we 
commence to decline. It is not true that there is, in our 
system of government, no place for perpetual territories ; 
that we must be all states. The proposition that we are 
states or nothing might stand if we were a confederacy. 
We are a nation. Not one of the colonizing nations has a 
system for the government of colonies equal, for that pur- 
pose, to our territorial form of rule and regulation. We 
may, as Ex-President Harrison says in his book, "This 
Country of Ours," give consideration to the quality as well as 
the quantity of the inhabitants of a territory. We may add 
that this Is something we not only may, but must do. There 
is no reason assignable and satisfactory why we should 
not have, and hold forever, Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rico, the 
Canaries, the Philippines, perpetually as territories, admit- 
tlno- them as states If ever, only when evidence of compe- 



464 



OUR INTER NATIONAL POLICY. 



tent Americanization would guarantee this course. Fore- 
most in entering into statehood under this condition would 
be Cuba. As for the islands coming to us they would be, 
to our young men, what India is to the young men of Great 
Britain, lands of adventure, of enterprise, of promise of the 
supreme happiness that inspires, prepares and broadens 
manhood, gives us a new mission to walk abroad through- 
out the earth and preach our gospel to every people. We 
are of the mighty nations. Destiny has assigned duties. 
Our place is in the history that is to be, as it is on the map 
of the world, that of the Dominant power in the Americas, 
and if there are islands that belong to, and are protected 
by us over the seas and far away, there is the proclamation 
that a republic can be, in the greatest meaning of the word, 
imperial, and in height, significance, beneficent, glorious and 
potential beyond the scope of monarchies. Rulers exceed- 
ing kings in prerogative, as government by the people has 
a strength exceeding monarchies for no dynasty, so founded, 
as that of the sovereignty of the majority, and no diviner 
riorht than the rights of man. 



'J 



<^ 



?^ 



vJ^ 




466 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

The Philosophy and Logic of Our War with Spain and the Good Fruit Thereof 
—Causes of Spanish Degeneracy— The United States the Only True 
Republic— Spanish Losses a Guarantee of Her Future— The Logic of 
Our Expansion— The Future of Cuba— The Living and Dead Nations— 
Our Growth in Peace and Glory in War— Annexation and Immigration 
—We have, for Forty Years, been Drifting into War with Spain about 
Cuba. 

Whether the war between the United States and Spain 
lasts long or is soon closed, it will profoundly influence both 
nations. We may believe it will be for the common good, 
and eventually better the relations of all nations, with each 
other, and make for the advancement of the influences which 
help humanity. We do not doubt, whether the war is 
finished early or late, that it will end as it began, in American 
victory. It must be so for we have superior strength 
and the will to use it. We have in the United States and 
Spain, the Quick and the Dead of systems of government. 
This does not necessarily mean that the people of Spain 
are efl'ete ; that they are lacking in courage or energy or 
natural capacity, but that they have been misgoverned into 
a chronic condition of decadence that can be remedied only 
by the surgery of war, carrying with it a wholesome revo- 
lution. The Spanish Government is an antique despotism 
that has, in modern times, been tempered by violent changes 
—whirlpools that carried the turbid waters around old 
familiar circles — in which anarchy posed as republicanism. 
In contrast stands the United States, the only true repub- 
lic, and because it is based in the broadest sense upon the 
people, its government of the people is stronger than any 

467 



468 OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

shape of monarchy. The people of Spain have wasted 
their substance abroad, because they had not the vitahty in 
their Peninsula to impart to continental colonies. Her 
ambition was great ; her opportunity the greatest the world 
has seen, but her potentiality was inadequate to the improve- 
ment of her fortune, and she has fallen. We have the 
better part of the continent. Our growth has been a story, 
not only of the rapid increase of those whose ancestors 
were among the foremost to come to our shores, but a 
record of annexation and immigration. The time has come 
when we shall not find the surf along the borders of our 
oceans, lakes and gulf, an impenetrable barrier to restrain 
the further development of our dominions, but we already 
have the part of the continent that is best suited to our 
people, and are on good terms with our neighbors. We 
look out upon the great deeps that are about us and behold, 
the richest and fairest of the islands of the seas are fallino- 
into our hands like ripe fruit ; and according to all prece- 
dents in our history we will be aided by all the lands we 
gain. Spain lost first her continental colonies. Her islands 
are now passing away. We, with the force of a continent 
reach out for the islands, and while the losses of Spain 
are her gain, the fact that we gather what she parts with 
will be to our advantage — this because of the power of our 
people and the stability of our Government. The strength 
of Spain will increase when she keeps her blood and her 
gold and silver at home. Our ability will augment by our 
investment in American islands and those that fall to us 
beyond the seas. 

The President is of conservative tendencies, but his 
Americanism is too predominant to allow him to follow the 
precedents of the great statesmen who, with all their great- 
ness, did not comprehend in its fulness our destiny and the 




SECRETARY OF WAR ALGER. 




Copyright. 



PRESIDENT Mckinley. 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 471 

duties belonging to it. And so, when the battle of Manila 
was fought, and the Philippine islands were released from 
bondage to Spain, no one appreciated more keenly, or 
understood more comprehensively the requirement, that 
we should care for the goods committed to us, than the 
President, who immediately ordered twenty thousand men 
to proceed to Manila, thirteen thousand miles away, to 
make secure our standing in the Philippines. That done, 
the United States becomes an Asiatic power. We have 
but to confirm our title to a conquest so far away that 
it is east or west, according to the standpoint we occupy in 
surveying the situation. On the Adantic, the western 
Pacific is east. On our Pacific coast, the Asiadc shores 
and islands are west. We front on two oceans, and it is 
the logic of our expansion that we should put a girdle 
around the earth. 

The anger of Spain toward us has long been stimulated 
by the knowledge that, our attraction was so great, Cuba 
must some time be ours by gravitation. There has been 
somethinor magrnetic In it. It has been a maornetlsm that all 
men have felt. The destiny of Cuba was long manifest. 
The phrase "manifest destiny" made a deep mark more 
than a generation ago. Spain resented it the more bitterly 
because the current of events, carrying Cuba away from 
her, Is as certain in Its direction as that of the Gulf 
Stream. The passion of Spain has Increased because she 
knew her helpless situation, yet she has desperately made 
a barbarous war upon her own children. It has been 
observed that in the letter of General Maximo Gomez, 
making proclamation of his gratitude toward the people 
and the President of the United States, he is particular, after 
all his well-chosen words, to claim for Cuba an Independent 
nationality. He explicitly and studiously refers to " the 
27 



472 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 



two nations." The old warrior is dreaming. It will not be 
in the heart or brain of the real people of Cuba to oppose 
the will of the American people. It will not be within their 
capacity, and is not any part of their purpose to obstruct 
the inevitable course of our progression. Those who would 
war against us for Cuban independence will be few and 
factional. The lone star of Cuba will take its place in our 
constellation as the lone star of Texas did. The Cuban 
people may long hold Gomez in kindly remembrance, not- 
withstanding the introduction of the torch into the war. 
The Cubans know that their cause was not helped by the 
San Domingo method of campaigning. Their greatest rev- 
erence, care and devotion will be found for the glory of 
the great republic. They will be proud to carry the flag 
and keep step to the music of the Union. They well 
know that order and liberty, peace and prosperity, are to be 
had and held only under the authoritative protection of the 
United States ; and they will not desire a change of rulers, 
from more or less bloody despots, simply to enter into the 
control of military masters. Cuba will be Americanized as 
Texas and California were. That is the happiness of her 
fate. It is the logic of every struggle she has made for 
liberty. The war with Spain, for Cuba, has been threaten- 
ing for decades. There may be certain persons claiming 
that they forced the war through schemes and incidents 
that they contrived or assisted to bring about, but this war 
of ours with Spain wa? in the air forty years ago. 

The possession of Cuba, by Spain, is unnatural, for the 
mother of the country has never cared for the child. The 
tropical children of the Spaniards have been treated as 
inferiors, and the idea that a native American is equal to a 
Spaniard is not only intolerable to the Spaniard — it is 
.resented. This remark applies to all the colonies of Spain. 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 473 

The o-rievances of the Cubans are not exceptional — Venez- 
uela, Paraguay, Chili, Peru and Mexico suffered Spanish 
misrule as the Cubans have done, until the impositions be- 
came unbearable ; and their evolution into independence 
and unto liberty was through cruel persecutions and merci- 
less, treacherous, vindictive, persecuting wars. There has 
been no change of Spanish policy during the various changes 
of the government of Spain — little variation in methods, in 
the island, of the administrations, military and civil, of the 
representatives of the peninsula. Spain has not declined 
because she has lost her colonies on the continent — she had 
squandered their resources selfishly, and, at the same time, 
was impoverished. She was not the poorer because they 
were freed by force of arms. She was m.ore unjust and 
corrupt abroad than at home, and hence they fell away as 
she declined. She lost neither honor nor riches when her 
colonies ceased to submit to her tyranny, which was of a 
degree so perverse, implacable and consuming as to be 
incapable of prosperity. There was no health in the sys- 
tem. Excess of greed was its own punishment. The 
ferocious profession of honor was a confession of discredit. 
If Spain, in the future, should show progress and retrieve 
her fallen fortunes, it will be through parting with her colo- 
nies. Many causes have been assigned for her rumed 
state. The primary one was her abuse of the colonial sys- 
tem, which corrupted the government, demoralized the army 
and navy and the entire civil service, discouraging the people. 
The colonies became schools of tyranny and official dis- 
honesty, ending in the loss of the continent, and Cuba 
remaining a firebrand to kindle war with the United States. 
The jetlousy and resentment of Spain toward the United 
States and the irritation of the United States at the mis- 
government of Cuba, which increased with the poverty of 



474 OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

the peninsula and the riches of the island, due to her fer- 
tility of soil and variety of production, increased until, when 
the war of 1895 broke out, it was evident that the danger 
of open hostilities between the two nations had become 
imminent, and presently it was almost certain that there was 
an unfriendly crisis, ripening into an irrepressible conflict. 
The philosopher in the Senate of the United States, as the 
country was accepting the situation, was Mr. Hoar, of Mas- 
sachusetts, and this utterance of the senator was the most 
striking expression of the more considerate sentiment of 
the people: 

" If there have been any hasty or unwise utterances of 
impatience in such a cause as that, and I think there have 
been, they have been honest, brave, humane utterances. 
But when I enter upon this war I want to enter upon it with 
a united American people — President and Senate and 
House, and Army and Navy, and Democrat and Republi- 
can, all joining hands and all marching one way. I want 
to enter upon it with the sanction of international law, with 
the sympathy of all humane and liberty-loving nations, with 
the approval of our own consciences, and with a certainty 
of the applauding judgment of history. 

" I confess I do not like to think of the genius of America, 
angry, snarling, shouting, screaming, kicking, clawing with 
her nails. I like rather to think of her in her august and 
serene beauty, inspired by a sentiment even toward her 
enemies, not of hate, but of love, perhaps a little pale in the 
cheek and a dangerous light in her eye, but with a smile on 
her lips as sure, determined, unerring, invincible as was the 
Archangel Michael when he struck down and trampled 
upon the Demon of Darkness." 

The President's message of April i ith was, in the begin- 
ning, a summary history of the causes of the war then not 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE F»UTURE. 475 

declared, but in sight. The language of this paper is 
trenchant and almost peremptory, concluding : 

" I ask the Congress to authorize and empower the Pres- 
ident to take measures to secure a full and final termination 
of hostilities between the Government of Spain and the 
people of Cuba, and to secure, in the island, the establish- 
ment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order 
and observing its international obligations, insuring peace 
and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as 
our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the 
United States as may be necessary for these purposes. 

" The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn 
responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the 
intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. Pre- 
pared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the 
Constitution and the law, I await your action." 

The peculiar force of this call upon Congress is displayed 
when the early paragraphs in the message, reciting griev- 
ances are scanned as follows : 

"The present revolution is but the successor of other 
similar insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against 
the dominion of Spain, extending over a period of nearly 
half a century, each of which, during its progress, has sub- 
jected the United States to great effort and expense in 
enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to 
American trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoy- 
ance, and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the exer- 
cise of cruel, barbarous and uncivilized practices of warfare, 
shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane sym- 
pathies of our people. 

"Since the present revolution began, in February, 1895, 
this country has seen the fertile domain at our threshold 
ravaged by fire and sword in the course of a struggle une- 



476 OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

qualed, in the history of the island and rarely paralleled as 
to the numbers of the combatants and the bitterness of the 
contest, by any revolution of modern times where a de- 
pendent people, striving to be free, have been opposed by 
the power of the sovereign state. 

" Our people have beheld a once prosperous community 
reduced to comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtu- 
ally paralyzed, its exceptional productiveness diminished, its 
fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing 
by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. We 
have found ourselves constrained, in the observance of that 
strict neutrality which our laws enjoin, and which the law of 
nations commands, to police our own waters and watch our 
own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of 
the Cubans. 

" Our trade has suffered ; the capital invested by our 
citizens in Cuba has been largely lost, and the temper and 
forbearance of our people have been so sorely tried as to 
beget a perilous unrest among our own citizens which has 
inevitably found its expression, from time to time, in the 
National Legislature, so that issues wholly external to our 
own body politic engross attention and stand in the way of 
that close devotion to domestic advancement that becomes 
a self-contained commonwealth whose primal maxim has 
been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements." 

The President quoted his predecessors, Cleveland, Grant 
and Jackson, saying of Cleveland that he made an effort to 
bring about a peace through the mediation of this Govern- 
ment in any way that might tend to an honorable adjust- 
ment of the contest between Spain and her revolted colony, 
on the basis of some effective scheme of self-government 
for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of Spain. It failed 
through the refusal of the Spanish Government then in 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 



477 



power to consider any form of mediation, or, indeed, any 
plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual sub- 
mission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then 
only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit to grant. 
The war continued unabated. 

General Grant's " measured words" were quoted, uttered 
in 1875, when after seven years of sanguinary, destrucdve, 
and cruel hosdlities in Cuba he reached the conclusion 
that the recognition of the independence of Cuba was im- 
practicable and indefensible ; and that the recognition of 
belligerence was not warranted by the facts according to 
the tests of public law. 

" I am of opinion that other nations will be compelled to 
assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and 
to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible 
— mediation and intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the 
large expanse of water separating the island from the Pen- 
insula, . . . the contending parties appear to have, within 
themselves, no depository of common confidence, to suggest 
wisdom when passion and excitement have their sway, and 
to assume the part of peacemaker." 

Jackson was quoted — against the recognition, in 1836, of 
the independence of Texas : 

" Prudence seems to dictate that we should still stand 
aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico 
itself or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the 
independence of the new government, at least, until the 
lapse of time or the course of events shall have proven 
beyond cavil or dispute, the ability of the people of that 
country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to 
uphold the government constituted by them. Neither of 
the contending parties can justly complain ol this course. 
By pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established 



478 OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

policy of our Government, a policy which has secured to us 
respect and influence abroad, and inspired confidence at 
home." 

And yet Jackson finally influenced the recognition and 
annexation of Texas. 

The reference to the blowing up of the ''Maine' in the 
President's message on the eve of war must be presented 
here : 

" The present condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant 
menace to our peace, and entails upon this Government an 
enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for years 
in an island so near us, and with which our people have 
such trade and business relations — when the lives and 
liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their 
property destroyed and themselves ruined — -where our 
tradino" vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our 
very door by war ships of a foreign nation, the expeditions 
of filibustering that we are powerless to prevent alto- 
gether, and the irritating questions and disagreements thus 
arisine — all these and others that I need not mention, with 
the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to 
our peace, and compel us to keep on a semi-war footing 
with a nation with which we are at peace. 

"These elements of danger and disorder, already 
pointed out, have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic 
event which has deeply and justly moved the American 
people. I have already transmitted to Congress the report 
of the naval court of inquiry on the destruction of the 
batdeship 'Maine' in the harbor of Havana during the 
night of the 15th of February. The destruction of that 
noble vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible 
horror. Two hundred and fifty-eight brave sailors and 
marines, and two officers of our Navy, reposing in the 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 479 

fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to 
death, grief and want brought to their homes, and sorrow 
to the nation. 

"The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say, 
commands the unqualified confidence of the Government, 
was unanimous in its conclusion that the destruction of the 
' Maine ' was caused by an exterior explosion, that of a sub- 
marine mine. It did not assume to place the responsibility. 
That remains to be fixed. 

" In any event the destruction of the 'Maine' by whatever 
exterior cause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state 
of thinofs in Cuba that is intolerable. That condition is 
thus shown to be such that the Spanish Government can 
not assure safety and security to a vessel of the American 
Navy in the harbor of Havana on a mission of peace, and 
rightfully there." 

The steps by which the President kept pace with the 
movement of the situation were cautious, but firm. In the 
course of the Senate debate Senator Hoar read an ex- 
tract of the "London Times " containing this passage : 

"We cannot refuse our sympathy to the people of the 
United States in circumstances which would have made it 
difficult, even for our own countrymen, to preserve their 
boasted calm. We should have needed all our self-com- 
mand to combine dignity with equity in such a trying posi- 
tion. It is bare justice to say that however inexcusable the 
language of some of the newspapers of the United Slates 
may have been, the attitude of President McKinley is 
equally dignified and fair. 

" In this matter, whatever disagreements we may have 
had from time to time with our trans-Atlantic kinsmen, our 
sympathies are on their side. We share their grief at the 
loss under such cruel conditions of a noble vessel of war 



480 OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 

and a gallant crew. We admire the patience and the re- 
serve of a democratic government in circumstances of pro- 
vocation, in the presence of public excitement which it 
would only have been too easy to fan into a flame. 

Senator Hoar of this, remarked : " I affirm, and I chal- 
lenge contradiction, that that sympathy and that expression 
jf respect has been won for us largely, if not wholly, by the 
diplomadc bearing and conduct of the President of the 
United States in this emergency." 

The President's message, transmitted to Congress April 
25th, was as follows: 

" To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Lnited States of America ; 

" I transmit to the Congress, for its consideration and appropriate action, 
copies of the correspondence recently had with the representative of Spain in the 
United States, with the United States Minister at Madrid, and through the latter 
with the Government of Spain, showing the action taken under the joint reso- 
lution approved April 20, 1898, 'for the recognition of the independence of 
the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its 
authority and government in the Island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and 
naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the 
United States to use the land and naval forces of the United States to carry 
these resolutions into effect.' 

" Upon communicating to the Spanish Minister in Washington the demand 
which it became the duty of the Executive to address to the Government of 
Spain in obedience to said resolution, the minister asked for his passports and 
withdrew. The United States Minister at Madrid was in turn notified by the 
Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs that the withdrawal of the Spanish repre- 
sentative from the United States had termmated diplomatic relations between 
the two countries, and that all official communications between their respective 
representatives ceased therewith. 

" I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the United 
States Minister at Madrid by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 21st 
instant, whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed. It will be perceived 
therefrom that the Government of Spain, having cognizance of the joint resolu- 
tion of the United States Congress, and in view of the things which the Presi- 
dent is thereby required and authorized to do, responds by treating the reason- 
able demands of this Government as measures of hostility, following with that 
instant and complete severance of relations by its action, which by the usage 
of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers. 



OUR COUNTRY, SPAIN AND THE FUTURE. 481 

'' The position of Spain being thus made known, and the demands of the 
United States being denied with a complete rupture of intercourse by the act of 
Spain, I have been constrained, in exercise of the power and authority conferred 
upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim under date of April 22, 
1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of Cuba, lying between 
Cardenas and Bahia Honda, and of the port of Cienfuegos on the south coast of 
Cuba ; and further, in exercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority 
conferred upon me by the act of Congress approved April 22, 1898, to issue 
my proclamation dated April 23, 1898, calling forth volunteers in order to carry 
into effect the said resolution of April 20, 1898. Copies of these proclamations 
are hereto appended. 

" In view of the measure so taken, and with a view to the adoption of such 
other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out the expressed 
will of the Congress of the United States in the premises, I now recommend to 
your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of 
war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain, 
and I urge speedy action thereon to the end that the definition of the interna- 
tional status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made known, 
and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the 

conduct of a public war may be assured, 

"William McKinley. 
" Executive Mansion, 

Washington, April 23, iSgSy 

Congress acted immediately upon this recommendation 
and the war was on. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 

The Sorrowful History of Cuba — The Spanish Colonial System was Founded 
in Personal Despotism — The Wrongs of the Cubans — The Justice and 
Triumph of their Cause and the Causes Which Led up to the War 
Between the United States and Spain. 

The sorrows of Cuba, as a colony of Spain, varied from 
those of other possessions of "the Peninsula" in being 
more protracted and developing more desperate and san- 
guinary differences. There is a curse upon the Spanish 
colonial system, and it was in the rapacious selfishness and 
remorseless ambition to absorb the earnings of others, that 
had been developed through centuries of indulgence. The 
fault seemed to be primal. It began in the bargain between 
Columbus and Ferdinand and Isabella. It will be remem- 
bered that Columbus drove a hard bargain with their ma- 
jesties. He had a high estimation of the value of his goods. 
The King and Queen were to be sovereigns in particular 
over the discoveries of Columbus, and he was to be an 
Admiral and have a vast scope of authority. While he was 
greedy he was also benevolent, and wanted to aid the cru- 
saders to rescue the Holy Sepulchre. The Spanish nation 
was left out. The King and Queen got America for a 
personal possession and Columbus was the principal per- 
sonage, and was to manage the hemisphere, or whatever it 
was, for their Majesties. The Viceroys and Captain-Gener- 
als were all disposed to be but a little lower than mon- 
archical angels, and there was wild jealousy at once toward 
Columbus, and conflicts of territorial jurisdiction and official 
dignity. Neither the people of Spain, nor of the colonies 
482 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 483 

had any rights, the Spanish sovereigns cared to respect, and 
Columbus soon became a sufferer from the excess of his 
authority, and the energy of the assertion of his under- 
standing of his achievements. It would have required 
superhuman gifts to have enabled him to disentangle himself 
from the embarrassments heaped upon him by his preroga- 
tives. He died in poverty, the first and most illustrious 
victim of the Spanish system of governing the colonies that 
he gave Spain. Soon the amiable savages who were en- 
slaved and driven to despair by unaccustomed labors and 
cruelties, perished. It seemed perfectly natural for the 
Spaniards to enslave these people. There was neither 
scruple nor mercy. Cuba was not highly valued by its 
discoverers, with the exception of Columbus, because It 
was not rich in gold, and so the island suffered centuries 
of comparative neglect. It had a wonderful soil, and wealth 
in mines and forests, and the delightful harbor of Havana, 
which became the centre and rallying place for the trade 
and travel between Spain and central and southern America. 

The oricrinal Cubans were almost annihilated in their 
helpless innocence, but the Spaniards were never able to 
take from the beautiful island its original name, and we 
may believe this was a sign and prophecy of coming indepen- 
dence. Columbus tried, on the island, four Spanish names 
in vain. He was enraptured with the beauty of Cuba and 
wrote of it in highly poetic style. The brilliancy of the 
fishes and the birds, the woods and waters, the mountains 
and the rivers, the flowers and the fruits, the clouds of 
parrots that darkened the sun, the bird songs, sweet as 
those of angels, inspired the pen of the old navigator, whose 
letters to his sovereign patrons were poems. 

The expeditions of Cortez, Pizarro, De Soto and others 
started from Havana, and there the treasure ships gath- 



484 SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 

ered to be convoyed to Spain, but though the city flour- 
ished, the growth of the island in weahh and population was 
not rapid. There was thoroughly established, however, 
the system of governing Cuba, not with a thought of the 
rights of the people, but for those who belonged on the 
other side of the Atlantic and claimed divine rights of 
monopoly. Cuba became a place of spoils to Spain, and 
while, for a time, shipbuilding was extensively carried on at 
Havana, that was discontinued, though there was an ample 
supply of incomparable timber. The land of Cuba is the 
most fertile known, and in spite of negligence and injustice, 
there was, in the indigo sky and the red and black soil, 
wealth the increase of which could not be altogether escaped. 
The prosperity of the French islands, which once far ex- 
ceeded Cuba in proportion of area, was destroyed by the 
barbarian revolutionists, and the fugitives transferred coffee 
culture and other industries from Hayti to Cuba, and she 
was not governed for herself, but for the Peninsula, under 
an absolutism that amounted to perpetual martial law. The 
Captain-Generals had the powers of the commanders of 
besieged cities, and the public offices were filled with swarms 
of Spaniards who harvested the public service and hastened 
home, making room for others with like principles and 
appetites. The natives of the island were the people who 
had no rights, and found the only way of conciliating the 
tyranny from which they suffered was special subserviency 
in devotion to Spain. Generation after generation the 
grievances of the islanders accumulated, and with them 
their animosity increased and became exasperation. 

With all the suffering the people of Cuba, however, 
remained loyal to the Mother Country during the struggles 
for liberty in Mexico and South America, and when the 
Spaniards were driven from their other American posses- 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 



485 



sions, the Royalists took refuge in Cuba, where they 
assisted the Spanish government in preventing that island 
from taking the same course as her sister colonies in 
America. 

It was as though to avenge themselves for the many dis- 
asters in Central and South America that the Spanish roy- 
alists in Cuba were determined to crush out every thought 
of liberty or independence on the part of the oppressed, 
and it did not take many years before clouds of discontent 
were decidedly visible. The wave of revolution became 
stronger and stronger, and in each new outbreak the patri- 
ots were more numerous. No sooner had peace been 
declared after each revolution, than plans were considered 
for another revolt. During the revolution of 1 869-1 878, 
a boy was put in chains and kept at hard labor for alleged 
seditious writings. Later he was sent to Spain, where he 
succeeded in escaping shortly afterward. Continuing his 
studies he became a man of high intellectual attainments, 
and it was he, Jose Marti, who, at the end of February, 
1895, inaugurated the revolution which was the primary 
cause of our going to war with Spain. Humanity and our 
geographical position demanded that we should interfere 
in a cause that has been a blot on history for almost a cen- 
tury. 

There has been no change in the laws and decrees 
through which the crown of Spain has governed its posses- 
sions in Cuba through Captain-generals substantially under 
martial law. It has been accepted as a fact, applicable to 
all the captain-generals, that it made very litde difference 
to the Cubans what manner of men they were. One cap- 
tain-greneral was about the same as another. General 
Martinez Campos failed because of his humanity, and Gen- 
eral Weyler failed on account of his inhumanity, according 



486 SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 

to the current stories. The difference was not so great, 
between the one poHcy and the other, to change the con- 
victions of interested people whose education was through 
experience. There was something, however, in the orders 
and the overtures made by Captain-General Blanco that 
made an impression, he was earnest in his desire to change 
the methods of the Spaniards in making war, from those 
of barbarism, to such as might be classed as belonging to 
civilization. There were phases indicative of sincerity in 
aspirations for the pacification of the island — at least there 
was something beside the accustomed revengefulness. 
General Blanco seemed to have an idea greatly enlarged 
upon the reality about the numbers and the influence of 
the autonomists. He had a solicitude beyond the common 
to enter into negotiations with the insurgents ; to ascertain 
upon what terms, other than those of independence, the 
representative men of Cuba, in the struggle for liberty, 
would consent to put aside their arms. He was met with 
a spirit of desperate resistance. In some cases the reward 
of the peacemakers was assassination. There was a weak- 
ness in the policy of General Blanco, of which he must 
have been fully cognizant. It was that, according to the 
usual presentation of the cause of autonomy, Cuba would 
have to be responsible for the Spanish debt incurred in 
their struggles to subjugate the island. Clearly there was 
no possibility of pacification upon such a basis, for auton- 
omy would have been but another word for servitude, and 
the condition of Cuba more hopeless than it ever had been. 
Among the Madrid rumors cabled to this country and 
largely circulated, was one to the effect that General Blanco 
was empowered and desired to go further in attempting to 
win the Cubans to accept conditions that would end the 
war by concessions, such as had never been contemplated 




MARK HANNA. 




GENERAL CORBIN. 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 489 

by any Spanish government, and never were proposed to 
those in charge of what may be termed the civil adminis- 
tration of the insurrection. It was said that rather than go 
on with the war, as there was nothing encouraging to the 
Spaniards in their mihtary operations, and all were agreed, 
as De Lome said, in his letter that caused his departure 
from diplomatic life, the first necessity of pacification upon 
any terms that could be considered by Spain, was " military 
success " — in the absence of this, the alternative seemed to 
be, that Spain, to avoid the utter exhaustion of her re- 
sources, would consent to the actual independence of the 
Cubans, their complete possession of the government of 
the island, in case there was reserved for the Crown of 
Spain a shadowy sovereignty somewhat like that the Sultan, 
as a matter of ceremony, holds over some of the Grecian 
islands, where he exercises no authority. 

It was assumed that it would be a part of this scheme 
that the Spanish flag should still be used, and that there 
might be a small indemnity paid Spain, perhaps two million 
dollars a year — about as much of the revenues of the 
island in a normal condition as during recent administra- 
tions (between the ten years' war and the present) were 
expended upon the island, while twenty-five millions of dol- 
lars were applied to the army and navy of Spain, the 
payment of war bonds, and in other ways for purposes 
beneficial to the peninsula alone. If there was anything 
in this plan of pacification, it did not take form before the 
people. It seemed to be so unreasonable as to be almost, 
if not altogether, unanimously rejected by the belligerents 
on both sides. 

The Cuban volunteers, who are the most radical and 
violent of the Spaniards, escaping military duty in Spain 
by serving in the militia of Cuban cities, and accepting all 
28 



490 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 



the good situations, disliked, intensely, all those things in 
the policy of General Blanco that were approved by the 
humanitarians, holding that the better way to heal the 
wounds of civil war was by processes, not remote from 
those known in Christendom, as associated with civiliza- 
tion. There was rioting In Havana; volunteers were out; 
seven thousand regular Spanish troops were required to 
restore order. The American citizens in Havana were 
alarmed, and desired the presence of a United States man- 
of-war. Consul-General Lee recommended that one of our 
ships should be sent in a friendly capacity to Havana. 

The " Maine " was despatched, and, after a three weeks' 
stay, blown up from the outside. There has never, In history, 
been recorded a more dastardly, wholesale murder. The 
indignation of the American people was instantaneous and 
overwhelming. Captain Sigsbee, of the " Maine," however, 
recommended a suspension of public opinion, and the Pres- 
ident of the United States, upon the first testimony re- 
ceived, disbelieving In the possibility of the complicity of 
official Spaniards In this murderous business, gave out as 
his opinion that the loss of the " Maine " was due to an 
accident, and said he hoped that the Court of Inquiry Into 
the loss of the " Maine " would establish the fact. The 
generous anticipation of the President was not justified. 
The finding of the court was that the " Maine " was blown 
up by enemies, and It was patent to all the people that a 
mine, capable of doing such frightful execution as appears 
in the wreck of our battleship, could not have been loaded 
and handled and fired without official complicity ; and this 
established fact revived the flame of wrath in the bosoms 
of Americans, and formed a forcible public feeling, which 
had steadily driven the nation into conditions threatening 
war. 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 491 

The passion that was excited in the country by the great 
assassination in Havana harbor has encountered no ob- 
stacle sufficient to stay its progress. The President's mes- 
sage, stating the finding of the Court of Inquiry, without 
recommendation, because the immediate identification of 
those concerned directly in the crime was not practicable, 
was held by a great propordon of the people to be insuffic- 
ient, though if its calm phrases are carefully studied it 
will be seen that they were very forcible in directing atten- 
tion to the vital points of the case and in condemning the 
guilty. There developed in the Congress and the coun- 
try a formidable impatience with all considerate proceed- 
ings, because they were necessarily identified with delays. 

The President did not seem to be sufficiently alert to satisfy 
the war spirit. It was expected oi him that in speaking of 
the " Maine " he should compete with unofficial commenta- 
tors in the use of the language of denunciation. There 
was a loud and fierce demand that the President should be 
more decisive in declaring the outlines of his policy, and 
more active in pushing it to conclusions. After he had 
prepared a message to accompany the consular reports 
from Cuba, in placing those papers before Congress, it 
became evident that it would be the part of prudence that 
the authors of those reports, and American cidzens de- 
tained in Cuba, should be given the opportunity to leave 
the island before the message and documents from the con- 
sular offices should receive publicity. This required a few 
days' delay ; whereupon there was a savage outburst of 
dissadsfacdon, and the newspapers, capable of such things, 
were filled with odious suggestions. This sort of warfare, 
upon the administration, in connection with the fact that 
the country rapidly became informed of the great pro- 
priety and, indeed, necessity, of closing the consular Cuban 



4^2 SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 

offices, and calling the officers home, in order to insure the 
personal safety of the Consul-General and all in the ser- 
vice of the United States in Cuba, or known there to be 
citizens of our country in sympathy with its aspirations. 
General Lee and his associates having landed on our soil, 
the President lost no time in laying his message and the 
reports before Congress. The message discussed with 
freedom and firmness, and in considerable detail, the rea- 
sons for our strained relations with Spain, threatening im- 
mediate war, defining the policy of the administration to 
be, not the recognition of Cuban belligerency nor of Cuban 
independence, but intervention by the United States with 
the determination of enforcing pacification, and affording 
the people of Cuba an opportunity to establish a stable 
government competent to deal with international relations. 
This message was received with objections by those radi- 
cally favoring the recognition of Cuban independence, and 
accepting, as the representatives of the Cuban cause, those 
in New York, and in secret places in Cuba, who have been 
conspicuously published and widely advertised as official 
representatives of the Insurrection. There was at once 
excited a bitter controversy between the champions of 
independence and those who favor direct intervention. 

It seemed probable, as the rainy season was at hand, and 
also the period for the malignancy of the yellow fever to 
develop, and as Spain had stopped the war so far as she was 
concerned, for an indefinite period, " suspending hostilities," 
which means that she gave up, for the time, the only 
method by which she has ever attempted seriously the con- 
quest of the rebellious island, and as it was known that 
each day would increase the superiority of the Sea Power 
of the United States over that of Spain, and as there was no 
contingency probable — surely none in sight — in which it 



SPANISH DESPOTISM IN CUBA. 493 

would be desirable that we should land troops in Cuba — 
taking all these things into intelligent estimation, it is plain 
that there was nothing to be gained by hasty action, and no 
reason why there should not be time taken for thorough 
preparation and considerate deliberation. There had ap- 
peared, in this connection, evidences of the remarkable 
European interest taken in the questions that had arisen 
between the United States and Spain, affecting their 
friendly relations, an anxious concern on the part of the 
" great powers " that peace should be preserved ; and this 
influence is believed to have been responsible for the action 
of Spain in abandoning, for an indefinite time, the use of 
force, an act, the logic of which, is confession ot the loss 
of Cuba. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

Congress Declares War— Reasons for the Patience of the President — Cause of 
the Impatience of Congress in Going to War with Spam — Scenes and 
Speeches in the Senate and House — Development of Public Opinion — 
The Order of the Proceedings, the Declaration of War, and the Execu- 
tive Proclamations. 

As the rainy season and the yellow fever period were at 
hand in Cuba, and the famished being fed, so far as Ameri- 
can charity might go, the passionate outcry against delay 
meant something different from war as a well-considered 
and conducted business. It was the fate of the battle-ship 
Alaine that raised the storm. The President's duty 
certainly was to exhaust his powers of diplomacy to make 
peace, and the few days permitted him for deliberation in 
the midst of excitement of the most intense character 
should not have been grudged him. His labor for pacifi- 
cation, though unsuccessful, were not without propitious 
results. Senator Hoar enumerated as among them the 
consideration of the public opinion of the country, recon- 
ciling all elements to the issue of arms, securing the respect- 
ful sympathy of the civilized powers, especially the good- 
will power of England. This was worth some delay. There 
was a great deal of fine construction of the language of 
the President's message that was accompanied by the con- 
sular reports. All important passages were searched with 
refinement of criticism, sharpened with keen animosity in 
some cases, and the most contradictory and impossible 
theories encountered each other. 

Senator Lodge said of the situa^^ion that there was first 

494 




4y5 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



497 



the duty of unity of the administration and the people stand- 
ing together ; that the President had commendably ex- 
hausted his powers under the Constitution in pacific 
efforts, and when there was an end of diplomacy he turned 
the issue of an intolerable situation over to Congress, 
whose constitutional contact with foreign powers was the 
declaration of war ; and it was the exercise of that awful 
power that the President's message invoked. Impatient 
as many Congressmen had been at the loss of a day in 
striking at the oppressors of Cuba, and avenging the hor- 
rible crime against humanity and national insult in the 
harbor of Havana, it was not possible to get along without 
debate. The methods of the House allow the majority 
to make short work of discussion, but in the Senate the 
case was widely different. The American Senate is the 
least controllable and most deliberative legislative body 
in the world. The series of able speeches in the Senate, 
by turns fiery, scholastic, persuasive, passionate and pa- 
thetic, aided in forming correct public opinion, and satis- 
fying the conscience of the country that all sides of a 
great and most grave question were turned to the light, 
and all motives of action subjected to analysis. On the 
13th of April the House, 334 to 19, resolved for immediate 
intervention as follows : 

''Whereas, The government of Spain, for three years past, has been 
waging war on the island of Cuba against a revolution by the inhabitants 
thereof, without making any substantial progress toward the suppression of 
said revolution, and has conducted the warfare in a manner contrary to the 
laws of nations by methods inhuman and uncivilized, causing the death, by 
starvation, of more than two hundred thousand non-combatants, the victims 
being, for the most part, helpless women and children; inflicting intolerable 
injury to the commercial interests of the United States, involving the destruc- 
tion of the lives and property of many of our citizens, entailing the expenditure 
of millions of money in patrolling our coasts and policing the high seas in order 
to maintain a neutrality ; and 



498 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



" Whereas, This long series of losses, injuries, and burdens for which Spain 
is responsible, has culminated in the destruction of the United States battle-ship 
Maine, in the harbor of Havana, and in the death of 260 of our seamen, 

"Resolved, etc., That the President is hereby authorized and directed to 
intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba to the intent and purpose of securing 
permanent peace and order there, and establishing, by the free action of the 
people thereof, a stable and independent government of their own in the island 
of Cuba ; and the President is hereby authorized and empowered to use the 
land and naval forces of the United States to execute the purpose of the reso. 
lution." 

The vote against the resolution was cast by the following 
named members : 

Republicans. — Representatives Boutelle, of Maine; Johnson, of Indiana; and 
Loud, of California. 

Democrats. — Representatives Adamson, of Georgia ; Bankhead, of Alabama; 
Brantley, of Georgia; Brewer, of Alabama ; Clayton, of Alabama ; Cox, of Ten- 
nessee; Elliott, of South Carolina; Griggs, of Georgia; Howard, of Georgia; Lewis 
of Georgia; Lester, of Georgia; Maddox, of Georgia; Strait, of South Carolina; 
Tate, of Georgia ; and Taylor, of Alabama. 

Populist. — Representative Simpson, of Kansas. 

The Democratic joint resolution defeated in the House, 
yeas 150, nays 191, was in these terms: 

" Resolved^ That the United States government hereby recognizes the inde- 
pendence of the Republic of Cuba. 

" Section 2. — That, moved thereto by many considerations of humanity, of 
interest and of provocation, among which are the deliberate mooring of our 
battle-ship, the Maine, over a submarine mine and its destruction in the harbor 
of Havana, the President of the United States be and is hereby directed to em- 
ploy immediately the land and naval forces of the United States in aiding the 
Republic of Cuba to maintain the independence hereby recognized. 

" Section j.— That the President of the United States is hereby authorized and 
directed to extend immediate relief to the starving people of Cuba." 

The Senate debate was on the following : 

" Whereas, The abhorrent conditions which have existed formore than three 
years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral 
sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian 
civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States 
battle-ship, with 266 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the 
harbor of Havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the 
President of the United States in his message to Congress of April 11, 1898, 
upon which the action of Congress was invited ; therefore, 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 499 

" Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled — 

" First. — That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, 
free and independent. 

" Second. — That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the govern- 
ment of the United States does hereby demand, that the government of Spain 
at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and 
withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

" Third. — That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, di- 
rected and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United 
States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the 
several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions 
into effect." 

This is the report of the majority of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations : 

Senators Turpie, Mills and Daniel, Democrats, and For- 
aker, Republican, favored the immediate recognition of the 
independence of Cuba, but supported otherwise the action 
of the majority. 

" It is established that the Maine was destroyed by the explosion of a sub- 
marine mine in position under her in a Spanish harbor, at a place where she 
had been moored to a buoy by the express direction and guidance of the 
Spanish authorities. 

'' The duplicity, perfidy and cruelty of the Spanish character, as they always 
have been, are demonstrated still to continue by their manifestations during 
the present war in Cuba. All these circumstances considered cumulatively, 
together with other considerations, which will exactly accord with and add 
force to them, undenied and unexplained as they are by any authority, except- 
ing the baseless report of the Spanish Board of Inquiry, warrant the conclusion 
stated hereinbefore, that the destruction of the Maine was compassed either 
by the official act of the Spanish authorities (and the ascertainment of the par- 
ticular person is not material), or was made possible by a negligence on their 
part so willing and gross as to be equivalent in culpability to positive criminal 
action. 

" Upon due consideration of all the relevant facts of the relation of this 
government with Spain, including the destruction of the Maine, and of the 
history of the rebellion, it is the opinion of your committee that the United 
States ought at once to recognize the independence of the people of Cuba, and 
also ought to intervene to the end that the war and its unexampled atrocities 
shall cease, and that such independence shall become a settled political fact at 
the earliest possible moment by the establishment — by the free action of the 



coo THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

people of Cuba, when such action can be had— of a government independent 
in fact and form." 

The Senate Committee's report is a strong document. 
In one day there was news of the mobilizadon of the army, 
the impressment of the American steamers St. Louis 
and St. Paul, and the series of events in America cul- 
minating in the action of the House on intervention and the 
debate in the Senate, when the President invited the Con- 
gress to take the case, the only capacity in foreign relations 
under the Constitution of Congress, being to declare war, 
was the moral equivalent of that portentous declaradon. 

There were many express declarations of dissatisfaction 
in the debates in the Senate and House, with the conserva- 
tive attitude of the President. Mr. Harris, Senator from 
Kansas, said, April 5th : 

" Mr. President, all over this land there is the cry, 'Why 
do you wait ? ' and the flag snarls and flouts the wind, im- 
patient. 

" Oh, God, it can not be that we forget ! that we 
forget ! 

" Sir, I have seen war. If to die were to reach the summit 
of human calamity, if to weep and mourn for the loved and 
lost were to make up the sum of human woe, then nothing 
would be worse than war. But, sir, there is a crucifixion 
of the soul when honor dies ; there is a death of a nation 
* when the jingle of the guinea heals the hurt that honor 
feels ; ' there is an existence, when patriotic pride is dead, 
' that doth murder sleep,' and life becomes a horrid night- 
mare, and men shun their fellows, and the laugh of little 
children becomes a taunt and a mockery. True, there 
have been men who could exist and thrive and fatten with- 
out national honor or pride or patriotism, like worms in a 
muck heap, but that nation has been the scorned of all 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 50 1 

time and has quickly died. God forbid that any such 
should ever be called Americans. 

"Sir, I shall never consent that our dead shall lie in 
Spanish soil and under the Spanish flag. Brave American 
sailors can know no rest there. When it becomes conse- 
crated by freedom, when that flag has trailed in the dust, 
when the Cuban Republic is raised as a monument to the 
men who went down in the Mtmie, then, and then only, 
will they sleep. 

" Do you say this is revenge, and that revenge is un- 
worthy of a great nation ? No, Mr. President, a righteous 
wrath and just resentment, the swift punishment of the 
assassin and the wrongdoer, are wholly different from 
revenge, and are the safeguards and protection of a nation 
among nations, and enable us to look the whole world in 
the face. What sight more glorious than a nation roused 
in such a cause as this ! 

" God hates a coward, and a nation timid, halting, and 
hesitating in its foreign policy is a sight despised of God 
and man." 

Senator Rawlins said : 

" For years our Government administration, our con- 
duct in respect to the Cuban question, our relations to the 
kingdom of Spain, have been so cowardly and pusillani- 
mous, so unworthy of any self-respecting people in this 
wide world, that the Spanish people are justified in holding 
us in contempt. Had it been that they respected and 
feared us, as they would fear and respect any other self- 
respecting government, our ship Maine would not have 
been treacherously destroyed and the bodies of our sailors 
would not have been mangled and lost. That crime must 
be charored to our indecision and cowardice." 

Mr. Bailey : 



502 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



"The House was adjourned from Friday until to-day to 
give the President time and opportunity to prepare his 
message. The hour that such messages usuaHy reach this 
House has passed, and every well-informed man on both 
sides of the House knows no message will come from the 
President to-day. Now, Mr. Speaker, it seems to me im- 
portant that the country shall understand what Congress is 
doingr and intends to do. 

" It seems to me equally important that this House shall 
know what the executive department is doing and intends 
to do. We ought not to be asked day after day and week 
after week to provide for an emergency which gentlemen 
on that side believe has either passed or never existed. I 
am ready, and every gentleman on this side of the Cham- 
ber is ready, to sustain the Administration in every proper 
measure to prepare for war." 

Mr. Lentz : " We heard a gentleman on the other side 
of the House say, during this discussion, that the rainy sea- 
son is coming on in Cuba, and that we ought ' to be slow 
in going to war at this time ! ' Mr. Chairman, I have 
never heard anybody say that we ought not to go to war 
because we are afraid of rain. 

"This is a free country, and with the 447 Senators and 
Congressmen, representatives of a great people, we are 
better able to decide questions as to the policy of this 
Government in view of the facts before us, and are better 
fitted to advise the President, than are those who go at 
midnight, behind closed doors, to point out the views of 
the plutocrats and submit them as the voice of the people. 
This is a Government yet ' by the people and for the peo- 
ple,' and It will remain so. 

"I predict this, that these 266 American brothers, the 
martyrs of the Maine shall not forever rest unavenged in 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 503 

the soil of a tyrant. Our American manhood— the youth 
of this country— will not rest until that matter has been ad- 
justed to their satisfaction, and to the honor of this country. 
They will be aroused by the language of poets and philo- 
sophers, and a popular sentiment will override the hesi- 
tating and faltering policy of the money power. 

" Lee Fairchild's words, published lately in the ' Washmg- 
ton Times,' will put new life in the youth of this country. 
Young men will begin to feel and think in sympathy with 
the stricken hearts of the mothers, the widows, and the 
sisters of this land who have been bereft of loved ones by this 
horror in Havana harbor, when they hear his noble words : 

" We have a thousand guns; what did we make them for, 
If not in times like these to speak the speech of war 
Let's fight, or quit our brag, and take our banter back; 

Paint white our ships again, and paint our White House black. 

Senator Spooner had regretted utterances in the Senate 
and he added: "I have regretted them because I fet 
they might embarrass the President in delicate and difficult 
negotiations with a peculiar people. I have regretted them 
because I knew that if they could by any possibility, result 
in a rupture of diplomatic intercourse and precipitate war. 
we would be found unready. I have deprecated them in 
the Senate for another reason, that under our form ot 
o-overnment this body sustains a peculiar relation to the 
President in the matter of foreign relations. He has the 
ri<.ht in stress, to come into this Chamber, to ask us to 
close our doors to the world, and permit him to take this 
body into his confidence, and to invoke its advice. This 
has been done once in a crisis since the Governnient was 
founded And, therefore, it has seemed to me that here, 
of all places, he should be free from criticism and the em- 
barrassment of either sensational or condemnatory speech. 



504 THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

"The President needs no defense from me. He has 
conducted the negotiations. I do not know what the cor- 
respondence is. I have the best of reason, however, to 
beheve that his failure to transmit it was due to reasons 
which would commend themselves to every thoughtful per- 
son in this country. 

" It is not easy to conceive a more difficult and burden- 
some duty than has under the Constitution rested upon 
him. He has been obliged to so conduct this negotiation 
as not only to satisfy his own great constituency, if possible, 
but with a view to commend this Government to the en- 
lightened sentiment of the governing powers of the world. 
He has traveled, of necessity, the path of diplomacy alone, 
and I can well imagine it has been a long and wearisome 
journey. He has felt the pressure of public opinion here, 
stirred to its depths. It is to the eternal glory of our peo- 
ple, however, that, notwithstanding horrors unspeakable, 
they have maintained an atdtude of dignity and calm, 
awaidng with intense feeling, but with wonderful padence, 
the march of events. 

" The President has seen some old friends seem to fall 
away from him. He has heard the voice of criticism. 
Doubtless he has been stung by the tongue of slander. I 
I do not know, for I have heard no word from him. I do 
know that, as an American President should, he has gone 
along the pathway calm, patient, intrepid to the end. There 
is not to-day in any court of Europe, so far as I know, ex- 
cept the Spanish court, a statesman, or a great newspaper 
who, or which has not applauded his firmness, his discredon^ 
and the dignity of his demeanor in the midst of domestic 
excitement and Congressional impatience. This good 
opinion of our President is worth much to our people. 
"The President has been criticised for the tone of his 








REPRESENTATIVE BOB HITT. 




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THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



507 



message in regard to the Maine. It has been said that it 
was cold and passionless. The Chief Executive of seventy 
million people, conducting a case almost inevitably leading 
to war, must be passionless, must be calm. If he be not so 
in the surging tide of popular passion, what, then, is to 
become of a government by the people ? 

" I approved when that message was read, and I approve 
now, its spirit, its tone, and its language. The President 
was not called upon to denounce the Spanish Government 
as guilty of participating in the explosion of the Maine. It 
would have been the height of unwisdom. He could, and 
a rash man would have so done, have sent a message to 
Congress which would have broken off in a moment diplo- 
matic relations and plunged this country into war. Were 
we ready? No, Mr. President! He knew then, we know 
now, and the people know now, that we were not ready. It 
was the President's duty to be calm and patient, even to 
temporize, that we might become prepared for war, and 
every hour preparations have gone forward under his direc- 
tion." 

Before coming to a vote on the Senate resolutions, Mr, 
Hoar gave the following objections to supporting them : 
We quote : 

"Mr. Hoar; Mr. President, I cannot give my vote for 
this resolution upon its final passage for several reasons, 
which I desire to state. 

'* First. It contains an affirmation contrary to the fact 

when it affirms that the Republic of Cuba is now free and 

independent in the face of what I conceive to be the fact, 

in the face of the declaration, as I understand it, of the 

person high in command in the troops of the insurgents, 

who has declared he could prolong the struggle to obtain 

that independence for twelve years. 
29 



5o8 THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

" Second. It undertakes to take from the Executive his 
constitutional power, power affirmed by every Executive 
from the beginning, a power affirmed by our great author- 
ities on constitutional law from Alexander Hamilton down 
to the Senior Senator from Alabama [Mr. Morgan], who 
within three years, and I think also within three hours, has 
strongly reaffirmed that that power belongs to the Execu- 
tive and cannot be constitutionally exercised by Congress. 

" I cannot vote for the joint resolution because it intro- 
duces, and I believe was meant to introduce, discord and 
divided counsels in what ought to be the act of a united 
country. 

" I cannot vote for it because it undertakes to direct, con- 
trary to all our legislative precedents, a co-ordinate branch 
of the Government, the Executive, ordering him to proceed 
at once when his constitutional and legal duties are defined 
by the Constitution, and not by the law-making power. 

" I cannot vote for it because it is contrary to the cour- 
tesies which prevail between the legislative and Executive, 
and undertakes to take from the discretion of the Executive 
what ouorht to belono- to him under the Constitution itself. 

"I will not vote for it because if it pass and the govern- 
ment of Cuba be now free and independent, the forces of 
the Army of the United States on Cuban land, and the 
Navy of the United States in Cuban waters, must be under 
the command of the insurgent leader, or their presence 
there is a war against him. 

" Gentlemen have tried by refined and deluding argu- 
ments to torture a sentence of the President of the United 
States, separated from its context, into a suggestion that 
possibly he might be expecting to make war upon these 
insurgents. And yet, and you cannot escape from it, you 
are undertaking, in your eager passion, to do something 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 509 

which will be unpleasant to those of your associates who 
support the President. You are making an affirmation, I 
repeat, which will put the Army and Navy of the United 
States under the command of Maximo Gomez the moment 
they cret into Cuban waters or on to Cuban soil, or their 
presence there is war upon the recognized and established 
government of the country which you say is his. 

"Sixth. I will not vote for it because it violates interna- 
tional law, and thereby in this great transaction sets the 
sympathy of the nations of the world against us. 

"Mr. President, I am not alarmed or disturbed because 
in the vote I am about to give I am to encounter the dissent 
of an excited, inflated and angered majority." 

In the Senate on April 1 6th the joint resolution was read 
the third time, as amended, as follows : 

A joint resolution (H. Res. 233) authorizing and directing the President of the 
United States to intervene to stop the war in Cuba, and for the purpose of 
establishing a stable and independent government of the people therein. 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of tJie United States of 
yimerica in Congress assembled, First. That the people of the Island of Cuba 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent, and that the Government of 
the' United States hereby recognizes the Republic of Cuba as the true and lawful 
Government of that island. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Govern- 
ment of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of Spain 
at once relinquish its autliority and government in the Island of Cuba and with- 
draw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed 
and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and 
to call into the actual serviceof the United Slates the militia of the several States, 
to such extent as mav be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention 
to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the 
pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to 
leave the government and control of the island to its people. 

The Vice-President. The question is, Shall the joint 
resolution pass ? 



5IO 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



Mr, Hoar. I ask for the yeas and nays on the passage 
of the joint resolution. 

The yeas and nays were ordered ; and being taken, 
resulted — yeas 67,* nays 2i.f 

In the House, April i8th the Senate resolution was re- 
ceived. Mr. Dingley moved the House concur in the 
Senate amendment to House joint resolution No. 233 with 
an amendment striking out in the first paragraph the 
words "are and" and also the words "and that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States hereby recognizes the Re- 
public of Cuba as the true and lawful government of that 
island ; " so that the first paragraph of said Senate amend- 
ment will read as follows : 

" First. That the people of the Island of Cuba of right 
ought to be free and independent." 

[Applause.] 

Also amend the title of said joint resolution by striking 
out the words "and Republic of Cuba." 

The Speaker. The question is on agreeing to the mo- 
tion of the gentleman from Maine to concur in the Senate 
amendment with an amendment. 

The question was taken ; and the House proceeded to 
divide. 

Mr. Bailey. Mr. Speaker, I demand the yeas and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered. 

*Yeas. — Allen, Bacon, Baker, Bate, Berry, Butler, Cannon, Carter, Chandler, 
Chilton, Clark, Clay, Cockrell, Cullom, Daniel, Davis, Deboe, Faulkner, For- 
aker, Frye, Gallinger, Gear, Gorman, Gray, Hansbrough, Harris, Heitfeld, 
Jones, Ark., Jones, Nev., Kenny, Kyle, Lindsay, Lodge, McEnery, McLaurin, 
Mallory, Mantle, Martin, Mason, Mills, Mitchell, Money, Morgan, Murphy, Nel- 
son, Pasco, Penrose, Perkins, Pettigrew, Pettus, Proctor, Quay, Rawlins, Roach, 
Shoup, Smith, Stewart, Teller, Tliurston, Tillman, Turley, Turner, Turpie, 
Vest, Warren, Wilson, Walcott. 

t Nays —Aldrich, Allison, Barrows, Caffery, Elkins, Fairbanks, Hale, Hanna, 
Hawley, Hoar, McBride, McMillan, Morrill, Piatt, Conn., Piatt, N. Y., Pritchard, 
Sewell, Spooner, Wellington, Wetmore, White. Absent.— Walthall. 



777^ CJ^^SIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 511 

The question was taken; and there were— yeas 178,* 
nays 156,1 answered "present" 2, % not voting 19. § 

* Yeas. Acheson, Adams, Aldrich, Alexander, Arnold Babcock, Baker Md , 
Barham Barney, Barrett, Barrows, Bartholdt, Beach, Belden Belford. Belknap, 
Be neU Bishop Booze, Boutelle, 111., Brewster, Brodenck, Brovvnow. Brumm, 
S Burleigh, Burton, Butler, Cannon, Capron, Chickern.g Clark, Iowa. Clarke, 
NH Cochrane, N. Y., Codding, Connell, Connolly, Corljss, Cousu.s Crump 
Crum^acker, Curtis, Kans., Dalzell, Danford, Davenport. D-dso', W 

v^^ k'v Divton Dindey, Dolliver, Dovener, Eddy, Ellis, Evans, l<aris, 
Tch^r Vlefciirr^ote fL.FowI^ N. J., Gardner, Gibson Gillet, N^Y.. 
S^U Mass , Graff. Gr.ffin. Grosvenor, Grout, Grow. Hager. Hamilton, Har- 
me Hawey Heat:vole, Hemenway, Henderson, Henry, Conn., Henry Ind.. 
Henbu'n Hicks, Hilb;rn, Hill, Hooker, Hopkins, Howard Ala., Howe, 
Sowellkull Hurley, Jenkins, Joy, Kerr, Ketcham, Kirkpatnck Knox. Kulp, 
TT.nds Lawrence Linney, Littauer. Loudenslager, Lovermg, Low, Ly- 
K d' McCall' Mcaeary McDonald, McEwan, Mclntire, Mahon, Marsh. Mer- 
'::^;^:^^^^^^^^^^ ^od- Moms, Mudd. Northway. 
Odell Olmsted, Otjen. Overstreet, Packer, Pa., Parker, N. J Payne Pearce, 
Mo Pea^Sn Perkin , Pitney, Prince, Pugh, Quigg, Ray, Reeves Robbms, 

Tongiie U^degliff V!„ Voirhis, Walker. Mass.. Wa.Uer. Va., Wanger, Ward. 

Bartlett, Bell Benner, Pa ^enton^ f ^^"^^^^^^^ ^ ^r^r.^^^ Burke. 

Brenner. Ohio, Bromwell, Broussard, B o Cochran, 

Campbell, Carmack. Castle. Catchmg^ ^If y^O^^^^^ ^y - ^^^^ .^^^^^ 

Mo.,Colson, Cooney. Cooper Tex .Coop- Ws.^C ^_.^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 
Davey, Davis, De Armond, De Graffenreia l. Fitzoat ick Fleming, Fowler, 
Dorr, Driggs, Elliott Ermentrout,Fitzger^ ^^^^^ 

N. C. Fox, Gaines, ^J^"- ^[f ;^;f ^^^ ;,^^^^^^^ HunL. Jett, Johnson. 
Henry, Miss.. Henry, Tex., Hmnchsen "oware , Kleberg. 

Ind.. Johnson, N. Dak., Jones, Va J-^^. J^^^^^ff ^^f "e^^ 
Knowle. Lamb, Lenham, Latimer, Lentz, L ^^ , Lewis.^G , ^^^^^^^^^ ^^ 

Little, Livingston, Lloyd, Lonmer, ^0"^' V^ M-i^uire Mahany, Mann. Mar- 
Culloch. McDowell, McMillin, McRae Maddox. Magu.re Mah y 
shall. MarHn, Maxwell. Meekisoi. Meyer^L M^-^^ ^; _^^^ ^^^^^^ 

Norton, Ohio, Norton S. ^ , Ogden O y ^^j^^^ Ind , Sayers. 

Richardson, Ridgely, Rixey, Robb, ^°^^'^''i^"' ' g j^j^ ^ Sparkman, 
Settle, Shafroth, Shuford, Sm.pson Sims^ Sbyden^ c s^ll van. Sulloway, 
Stallings, Stark, Stephens, Tex-. Stokes^^Strowd N^C S ^^^ 

Sulzer, Sutherland, Swanson, Talbeit, Tate, Liylor, i^ia , y 



5 1 2 THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

So the motion to concur with an amendment was agreed 
to. 

The President did not receive the resohdtions declaring 
the Cuban conditions, until one o'clock the next day, and 
the language in which Congress would give its expression 
was not certainly known in a very important particular 
until the final vote was taken. Still it was held by some 
of the more ardent members that it was " delay " in the 
President not to attach his signature of approval the hour 
he received this paper. The next day in the Cabinet 
Room at twenty-four minutes after eleven o'clock, he took 
up the engrossed parchment, which was on the table before 
him, and wrote, 

" Approved. 

" William McKinley. 
"April 20, 1898." 
The silence was so deep that the sound of the pen was 
plainly heard. 

As soon as the ultimatum had been approved, the Presi- 
dent directed that it be transmitted at once to Minister 
Woodford and when the cipher copy, which Judge Day 
had prepared, had been despatched to the cable office, a 
summons was sent to Edward Savoy, a trusted messenger 
of the State Department. He appeared in a few minutes 
in the lobby outside of the Cabinet Room, and was handed 
a sealed envelope containing a copy of the ultimatum, 
being directed to present it to the Spanish Minister. Hasten- 
ing to the Spanish Legation on Massachusetts avenue, he 

wood, Vandiver, Vincent, Warner, Wheeler, Ala., Wheeler, Ky., White, 111., 
Williams, Miss, Wilson, Young, Va., Zenor. 

t Answered "Present." — Berry, Boutelle, Me. 

\ Not Voting. — Barber, Bingham, Brewer, Brosius, Cranford, Curtis, Iowa, 
Fenton, Hitt, Kitchin, McAleer, Osborne, Powers, Sauerhering, Skinner, 
Strait, Vehslage, Wadsworth, White, N. C, Wilber. 



THE CR.SIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 513 

make known the personal nature of his mission and was 
immediately shown into the Minister's library. Senor Polo 
shook hands with him and then received the important 

missive. 

While the messenger waited— the same messenger, by 
the way, who carried Lord Sackville his passports on 
another memorable occasion— the Spanish Minister glanced 
over the document, with the general nature of which he 
was already acquainted through the public press. Then 
he enclosed in another envelope his letter demanding his 
passports, and handed it to the messenger, who hurried 
with it to the White House. 

Legation de Espana, Washington. April 20, 1898. 

Mr. Secretary:— The resolution adopted by the Congress of the United 
States" of America, and approved by the President, is of such a character that 
my permanence in Washington becomes impossible, and obhges me to request 
you the delivery of my passports. 

The protection of the Spanish interests will be intrusted to the French Am- 
bassador and to the Austrian-Hungarian Minister. On this occasion, very 
painful to me, I have the honor to renew to you the assurances of my highest 

consideration. 

(Signed) Luis Polo de Bernabe. 

Hon. John Sherman, Secretary of State, United States of America. 

Senor Polo's Passports. 

United States of America, Department of State. 

To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting : 

Know ye. that the bearer hereof, Don Luis Polo y Bernabe. Envoy Extraor- 
dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Spain to the United States, accompanied 
by his family and suite, is about to travel abroad. 

These are therefore to request all officers of the United States or of any State 
thereof to permit him to pass freely without let or molestation, and to extend 
to him all friendly aid and protection in case of need. 

In testimony whereof, I, John Sherman, Secretary of State of the United States 
of America, have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the Depart- 
ment of State to be affixed at Washington, this 20th day of April, A. D. 1898, 
and of the Independence of the United States of America, the one hundred 
and twenty- second. 



514 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



On the following day the Pope received from the Queen 
Regent of Spain : 

" I thank your holiness in my own name and that of the 
entire nation for your efforts in favor of peace, and I am 
all the more eager to make this expression of gratitude at 
this critical moment, when human passion and greed have 
gained the upper hand of the noble purposes of the vicar 
of Christ. If Providence has decreed to expose Spain to 
new trials, Spain is preparing with faith and tranquil con- 
science, aware that her sons will know how to die for her 
honor," The letter concluded with a request from her 
majesty that she may be fortified by the prayers of the 
Pontiff. 

The Official Gazette of Havana published on the 21st 
the manifesto following: 

The General Government of the Island of Cuba to the inhabitants of the 

Island of Cuba. 

Without any reason or legality, without the least offense on our part, and at 
a time when they have received from us only proofs of friendship, the United 
States are forcing us into war just at the moment when quietude began to settle 
over the country, when production was flourishing, commerce taking courage, 
and peace approaching, with the co-operation of all classes and all parties 
under the institutions granted by the mother country. 

Such a proceeding is without precedent in history. It evidently manifests 
the bogus politics of the republic, demonstrating the tricky plans and purposes 
that have always been nourished against Spain's sovereignty in Cuba, which 
the enemy has been conspiring for nearly a century to destroy. Our foes 
now carry their hypocrisy and falsehood to the extent of demanding immediate 
peace in a war provoked and sustained by themselves. Her prudence and 
moderation have been of no avail to Spain, though she has carried her con- 
cessions to the extreme limit of toleration in order to avoid a rupture. 

She still deplores this state of affairs, but she accepts it with all the energy 
inspired by a glorious national history and the pride of her people, a pride 
which will never yield to the stranger's haughtiness nor consent to see Spain's 
right and reason trampled upon by a nation of nobodies. If the United States 
want the Island of Cuba let them come and take it. Perhaps the hour is not 
far distant in which these Carthaginians of America will find their Zama in 
this Island of Cuba, which Spain discovered, peopled, and civilized, and which 
will never be anything but Spanish. 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



515 



It is our turn to have the honor of defending her, and we will know how to 
do it with decision and an effort many a time put forth. I count upon you for 
this with absolute certainty. I believe there is no sacrifice you are not pre- 
pared to make in defense of the national territory, whose integrity is sacred to 
all Spaniards of whatever origin. I am sure that every one in whose veins 
runs Spanish blood will respond readily to the call which, in these solemn 
moments, I address to all, and that all will group themselves around me to 
contribute as much as they can to repel a foreign invasion, without allowing 
dangers, sufferings, or privations to weaken the heart of courage. 

To arms, then, fellow-countrymen, to arms ! There will be a place for all in 
the fight. Let all co-operate and contribute with the same firmness and en- 
thusiasm to fight the eternal enemy of the Spanish name, emulating the ex- 
ploits of our ancestors, who always exalted high their country's fame and 
honor. To arms! Cry a thousand times "Viva Espana," "Viva El Rey 
Alfonso XIII," "Viva La Regente," "Viva Cuba, always Spanish.'' 

Your Governor General, Ramon Blanco. 

Havana, April 21, 1898. 

The President's Blockade Message. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America: 

I transmit to the Congress for its consideration and appropriate action 
copies of correspondence recently had with the representative of Spain in the 
United States, with the United States Minister at Madrid, and through the 
latter with the government of Spain, showing the action taken under the joint 
resolution approved April 20, 1898, " for the recognition of the independence 
of Cuba, demanding that the government of Spain relinquish its authority 
and government in the Island of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces 
from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States 
to use the land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions 
into effect," 

Upon communicating to the Spanish Minister in Washington the demand 
which it became the duty of the Executive to address to the government of 
Spain, in obedience to said resolution, the Minister asked for his passports and 
withdrew. The United States Minister at Madrid was in turn notified by the 
Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs that the withdrawal of the Spanish repre- 
sentative from the United States had terminated diplomatic relations between 
the two countries, and that all official communications between the respective 
representatives ceased therewith. 

I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the United States 
Minister at Madrid by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 21st in- 
stant, whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed. It will be perceived 
therefrom that the government of Spain, having cognizance of the joint resolu- 
tion of the United States Congress, and in view of the things which the Presi- 
dent was thereby required and authorized to do, responds by treating the 



5l6 THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

reasonable demands of this government as measures of hostility, following 
with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by 
the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign 
powers. 

The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands of the 
United States being denied with a complete rupture of intercourse by the act 
of Spain, I have been constrained in exercise of the power and authority con- 
ferred upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid to proclaim under date of 
April 22, 1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of Cuba lying 
between Cardenas and Bahia Honda and of the port of Cienfuegos on the 
south coast of Cuba ; and, further, in exercise of my constitutional powers and 
using the authority conferred upon me by the act of Congress approved April 
22, i8g8, to issue my proclamation, dated April 23, 1898, calling forth volun- 
teers in order to carry into effect the said resolution of April 20, i8g8. Copies 
of these proclamations are hereto appended. 

In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the adoption of such 
other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out the expressed 
will of the Congress of the United States in the premises, I now recommend 
to your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state 
of war exists between the United States of America and the kingdom of Spain, 
and I urge speedy action thereon to the end that the definition of the interna- 
tional status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made known 
and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the 
conduct of a public war may be assured. 

William McKinley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 25, 1898. 

President's Proclamation of Blockade and Call for 

Troops. 

By the President. — A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by a joint resolution passed by the Congress and approved April 
20, 1898, and communicated to the government of Spain, it was demanded 
that said government at once rehnquish its authority and government in the Island 
of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters ; 
and the President of the United States was directed and empowered to use the 
entire land and naval forces of the United States,- and to call into the actual 
service of the United States the militia of the several States to such extent 
as might be necessary to carry said resolution into effect, and 

Whereas, in carrying into effect said resolution, the President of the United 
States deems it necessary to set on foot and maintain a blockade of the north 
coast of Cuba, including all ports on said coast between Cardenas and Bahia 
Honda and the port of Cienfuegos, on the south coast of Cuba, 

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, in 



THE CRISIS IN CLEAN AFFAIRS. 



517 



order to enforce the said resolution, do hereby declare and proclaim that the 
United States of America have instituted and will maintain a blockade of the 
north coast of Cuba, including ports on said coast between Cardenas and Bahia 
Honda and the port of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba, aforesaid, in 
pursuance of the laws of the United States and the law of nations applicable to 
such cases. 

An efficient force will be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of 
vessels from the ports aforesaid. Any neutral vessel approaching any of said 
ports, or attempting to leave the same, without notice or knowledge of the 
establishment of such blockade, will be duly warned by the commander of 
the blockading forces, who will endorse on her register the fact and the date 
of such warning where such endorsement was made, and if the same vessel 
shall again attempt to enter any blockaded port she will be captured and sent 
to the nearest convenient port for such proceedings against her and her cargo 
as prize as may be deemed advisable. 

Neutral vessels lying in any of said ports at the time of the establishment of 
such blockade will be allowed thirty days to issue therefrom. 

In witness thereof 1 have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the 
United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this 22d of April, a. d. 1898, and of the 
independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. 

William McKinley. 

By the President. 

John Sherman, Secretary of State. 

By the President of the United States. — A Proclamation. 

Whereas, a joint resolution of Congress was approved on the twentieth day 
of April, 1898, entitled, " Joint resolution for the recognition of the independ- 
ence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the government of Spain re- 
linquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba, and to withdraw 
its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the Pre- 
sident of the United States to use the land and naval forces of the United 
States to carry these resolutions into effect," and 

Whereas, by an act of Congress entitled, " An act to provide for temporarily 
increasing the military establishment of the United States in time of war and 
for other purposes," approved April 22, 1898, the President is authorized, in 
order to raise a volunteer army, to issue his proclamation for volunteers to 
serve in the Army of the United States. 

Now, therefore, 1, William McKinley, President of the United States, by 
virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and the laws, and deem- 
ing sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do 
call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of 125,000, in order to carry into 
effect the purpose of the said resolution ; the same to be apportioned, as far as 
practicable, among the several States and Territories and the District of Co- 



5i8 



THE CRISIS IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 



lumbia, according to population, and to serve for two years ; unless sooner dis- 
charged. The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the 
prof>er authorities, through the War Department. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the Seal of the 
United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-third day of April, A. D. 1898, and 
of the Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty- 
second. William McKinley. 

By the President. 

John Sherman, Secretary of State. 




THE HARBOR OF MANILA. 



519 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

Commodore Dewey Receives Orders to Capture or Destroy the Spanish Fleet 
at Manila — Orders Immediately Carried Out — Spanish Squadron Anni- 
hilated — Manila, Capital of the Philippines, Blockaded — Thanks of the 
Nation Extended Through Congress to Commodore Dewey — His Pro- 
motion to Rank of Rear-Admiral — The Effect of Dewey's Victory in 
the Philippines — Their Future Ownership and the Anglo-American 
Alliance. 

The President's order through the Navy Department 
to make war upon the Spaniards in the PhiHppine Islands 
was cabled April 24th in these words : 

"Washington, April 24th, 1898. 
'* Dewey, Hong Kong, China: 

" War has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at 
once to Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once, particularly against 
the Spanish fleet. You must capture vessels or destroy them. Use utmost 
endeavors. Long." 

Dewey's report of his action appeared as follows : 

" Manila, May i. 
" The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this morning. Immediately 
engaged the enemy and destroyed the following Spanish vessels : Rcma Cris- 
tina, Castilla, Ulloa, Isla de Cuba, Don Jtian de Austria, Isla de Luzon, General 
Lezo, the Duero, Correo, Velasco, Mindanao, one transport and the water bat- 
tery at Cavite. The squadron is uninjured, and only a few men were shghtly 
wounded. The only means of telegraphing is to the American consul at Hong- 
Kong. I shall communicate with him. Dewey." 

" Cavite, May 4. 

" I have taken possession of naval station at Cavite, on Philippine Islands. 
Have destroyed the fortifications at bay entrance, paroling garrison. I control 
bay completely, and can take city at any time. The squadron in excellent 
health and spirits. Spanish loss not fully known, but very heavy. 

"One hundred and fifty killed, including captain of Reina Cristina. I am 
assisting in protecting Spanish sick and wounded. Two hundred and fifty sick 
and wounded in hospital within our lines. Much excitement at Manila. Will 
protect foreign residents. Dewey." 

520 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 521 

The thanks of the President, speaking for the American 
people, took this form : 

" Washincrton, May 7. 
"Dewey. Manila: ^ 

" The President, in the name of the American people, thanks you and your 

officers and men for your splendid achievement and overwhelming victory. In 

recognition he has appointed you Acting-Admiral, and will recommend a vote 

of thanks to you by Congress as a foundation for further promotion. 

Long." 

Perhaps the best summary account of the first victory of 
the arms of the United States in colHsion with those of 
Spain is contained in the President's message to Congress 
on the 9th of May : 

" To the Congress of the United States : 

"On the 24th of April I directed the Secretary of the Navy to telegraph orders 
to Commodore George Dewey, of the United States Navy, commanding the 
Asiatic Squadron, then lying in the port of Hong-Kong, to proceed forthwith to 
the Philippine Islands, there to commence operations and engage the assem- 
bled Spanish fleet, 

" Promptly obeying that order, the United States squadron, consisting of the 
flagship Olympia, Baltimore, Raleigh, Boston, Concord and Petrel, with the 
revenue cutter MeCulloch as an auxiliary despatch boat, entered the harbor of 
Manila at daybreak on the ist of May and immediately engaged the enthe 
Spanish fleet of eleven ships, which were under the protection of the fire of the 
land forts. After a stubborn fight, in which the enemy suffered great loss, these 
vessels were destroyed or completely disabled and the water battery at Cavite 
silenced. Of our brave officers and men not one was lost and only eight 
injured, and those slightly. All of our ships escaped any serious damage. 

" By the 4th of May Commodore Dewey had taken possession of the naval 
station at Cavite, destroying the fortifications there and at the entrance of the 
bay and paroling their garrisons. The waters of the bay are under his com- 
plete control. He has established hospitals within the American lines, where 
250 of the Spanish sick and wounded are assisted and protected. 

" The magnitude of this victory can hardly be measured by the ordinary 
standards of naval warfare. Outweighing any material advantage is the moral 
effect of this initial success. At this unsurpassed achievement the great heart 
of our nation throbs, not with boasting or with greed of conquest, but with deep 
gratitude that this triumph has come in a just cause, and that by the grace of 
God an effective step has thus been taken toward the attainment of the wished- 
for peace. To these whose skill, courage and devotion have won the fight, to 
the gallant commander and the brave officers and men who aided him, our 
country owes an incalculable debt. 



5 22 THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

" Feeling as our people feel, and speaking in their name, I at once sent a 
message to Commodore Dewey, thanking him and his officers and men for 
their splendid achievement and overwhelming victory, and informing him that 
I had appointed him an acting rear admiral. 

" I now recommend that, following our national precedents and expressing 
the fervent gratitude of every patriotic heart, the thanks of Congress be given 
Acting Rear- Admiral George Dewey of the United States Navy for highly dis- 
tinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, and to the officers and men under 
his command for their gallantry in the destruction of the enemy's fleet and the 
capture of the enemy's fortifications in the Bay of Manila. 

William McKinley." 

" Executive Mansion, May 9, 1898." 

Congress thanked Commodore Dewey and the officers 
and men of the squadron under his command, May 9th, by 
the unanimous adoption of this joint resolution ; 

" Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled. That in pursuance of the recommendation 
of the President, made in accordance with the provisions of section 1,108 of 
the Revised Statutes, the thanks of Congress and of the American people are 
hereby tendered to Commodore George Dewey, U. S. N., commander-in-chief 
of the Asiatic station, for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the 
enemy as displayed by him in the destruction of the Spanish fleet and batteries 
in the harbor of Manila, Phihppine Islands, May i, 1898. 

Section 2. — That the thanks of Congress and the American people are 
hereby extended through Commodore Dewey to the officers and men under his 
command for the gallantry and skill exhibited by them on that occasion. 

Section 3. — Be it further resolved, That the President of the United States 
be requested to cause this resolution to be communicated to Commodore Dewey, 
and through him to the officers and men under his command." 

As the only cable touching Manila was in the hands of 
the Spaniards, we had the first intelligence of the battle 
from the enemy. The governor of the Philippines tele- 
graphed this report : 

Madrid, May i — 8 P. M. — The following is the text of the official despatch 
from the Governor-General of the Philippines to the Minister of War, Lieutenant 
General Correa, as to the engagement off Manila : 

" Last night, April 30th, the batteries at the entrance to the port announced 
the arrival of the enemy's squadron, forcing a passage under the obscurity of 
night. At daybreak the enemy took up positions, opening with a strong fire 
against Fort Cavite and the arsenal. 




p a 




SPEAKER REED. 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



525 



"Our fleet engaged the enemy in a brilliant combat, protected by the Cavite 
and Manila forts. They obliged the enemy, with heavy loss, to manoeuvre 
repeatedly. At 9 o'clock the American squadron took refuge behind the foreign 
merchant shipping, on the east side of the bay. 

" Our fleet, considering the enemy's superiority, naturally suffered a severe 
loss. The Maria Cristina is on fire, and another ship, believed to be the Doti 
Juaji de Austria, was blown up. 

" There was considerable loss of life. Captain Cardzo, commanding the 
Maria Cristina, is among the killed. I cannot now give further details. The 
spirit of the army, navy and volunteers is excellent. 

Midnight. — An official telegram, received at a late hour from the Governor- 
General of the Philippines, says : " Admiral Montejo has transferred his flag to 
the cruiser Isla de Cuba from the cruiser 7?d7>/a Maria Cristina. 

The Reifia Maria Cristina was completely burned, as was also the cruiser 
Castilla, the other ships having to retire from the combat, and some being sunk 
to avoid their falling into the hands of the enemy." 

The exaggerated but substantially fair celebration of the 
bravery of the Spaniards, in the despatches of the governor, 
did not in the least conceal the general fact that the Spanish 
squadron was destroyed, or obscure the splendor of the 
American victory. The triumph of our fleet was clearly, even 
according to the Spanish version, one of the most remark- 
able in the history of combats for the command of the seas. 
By universal acclaim the glory of Dewey was associated 
with that of Farragut and Nelson. The Copenhagen com- 
bat of Nelson while on a larger scale than the fight at 
Manila, was under conditions closely resembling the 
adventurous offensive of Dewey, though only partially 
successful. The battles of the Nile and Trafalgar were 
tremendous British victories, but the defeated fleets were 
not absolutely destroyed in either case. Farragut dis- 
played address and daring in his remarkable achievements 
at New Orleans and Mobile, but his losses were severe 
both in men and ships. The good fortune of Admiral 
Dewey was almost unexampled. The highest faculties are 
shown in his handling of those wonderful fighting machines 
— modern men-of-war — in which engineering capacity has 
30 



526 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



been reputed to exceed, in the command of essentials, 
all the excellencies of seamanship. — The American com- 
mander at Manila was completely competent both as sea- 
man and engineer, and was as facile in adroit manoeu- 
vers as dashing in assault and expert in management. 
Every man under the flag of the stars did his duty, and 
the marksmanship with our high power artillery was as 
perfect as that of the western riflemen at the batde of New 
Orleans. As Dewey could not control the cable he cut it 
and stopped the Spanish stories, so that there was a week of 
reserve and suspense, during which the American people 
brooded over the loss of life that it seemed certain their 
glory had cost them. It was strange to have been assured 
of complete success by the Spaniards and then painful to 
work upon the problem of probabilities in the dark silence 
that seemed sinister ; and the air was charged with appre- 
hensive rumor when the white light of the whole battle 
came from the East. 

The " Washington Post " sketches a scene that will share 
in the enduring interest of the battle story. 

" Assistant Secretary of State Cridler was asleep in his 
cot in the State Department when the watchman at the de- 
partment rudely awakened and handed him a yellow en- 
velope. He rubbed his eyes, tore open the envelope, and 
found within a cablegram. It read: 

' Hongkong, May 7. 
" Day, Washington. 

" Mc Culloch. " WiLDMAN " 

" It took but an instant for Mr. Cridler to realize that the 
little slip of paper which he held in his hand meant that 
communication between Manila and the outside world had 
been restored and that news from Commodore Dewey 
would soon follow. Instantly he notified the navy officials 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 527 

and they gathered prompdy at the department. It was 
nearly 10 o'clock, however, when Manager Marean, of the 
Western Union Telegraph Company, appeared with the 
sheets covered with combinations of strange words, bear- 
ino- the Hong-Kong date. Unable to read it, Secretary 
Long at once turned it over to the cipher experts of the 
Navigadon Bureau, who withdrew into their office and 
wisely locked the door. It was nearly 10.30 before Secre- 
tary Long, holding a copy of the despatch in his hand, ap- 
peared in the large reception room outside of his private 
office and proceeded to read to the assembled crowd the 
brief account which Commodore Dewey had forwarded. 

" Assistant Secretary Roosevelt illustrated the engage- 
ment in his own manner. ' I saw a prize-fight once,' said 
he, where one man hit the other under the jaw as quick as 
lightning, and the fight was over in nine seconds. The 
man who was hit fell before he had seen his opponent raise 
an arm. Dewey must have made the same sort of a fight' " 

The details show the mighty magic of staunch ships 
manned with heroes, armed with guns wrought in tubes 
and carriages by matchless American mechanics, and arms 
of long range, smashing power and exquisite precision, 
aimed by trained and composed men who could "work 
logarithms under fire," and as each bolt was launched with 
lio-htnino- and thunder on its deadly errand, remembered 
the Maine forty-six days before. 

The good fortune of Admiral Dewey at Manila included 
the presence of a historian, who had the grit to stand on 
the bridge with the commander himself. We refer to the 
correspondent of the New York Herald, Mr. Joseph L. 
Sdckney, formerly a naval officer. We present Mr. Sdck- 
ney's Herald despatches, cabled from Hong-Kong, and 
worthy the occasion. 



528 THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

"Manila, Philippine Islands, on Board the Flagship Olyntpia, May ist {via 
Hong Kong, May 7th). — Not one Spanish flag flies in Manila Bay to-day. Not 
one Spanish warship floats except as our prize. 

"More than 200 Spanish dead and 500 to 700 wounded attest to the accuracy 
of the American fire. 

" Commodore Dewey attacked the Spanish position at Cavite this morning. 
He swept five times along the line and scored one of the most briUiant suc- 
cesses in modern warfare. 

" That our loss is trifling adds to the pleasure of victory without detracting 
from its value. The number of hits our vessels received proved how brave and 
stubborn was the defence made by the Spanish forces. 

" Miraculous as it may appear, none of our men w^ere killed and only eight 
were wounded. Those who were wounded suffered only slight injuries. 

" It was just 8 o'clock, a bright moonlight night, when the flagship passed Cor- 
regidor Island without a sign being given that the Spaniards were aware of its 
approach. 

" Not until the flagship was a mile beyond Corregidor was a gun fired. 
Then one heavy shot went screaming over the Raleigh and the Olytnpia, fol- 
lowed by a second, which fell far astern. 

" The Raleigh, the Concord and the Bosloti replied. The Concord's shells 
exploding, apparently, exactly inside the shore battery, which fired no more. 
Our squadron slowed down to barely steerage way and the men were allowed 
to sleep alongside their guns. 

" Commodore Dewey had timed our arrival so that we were within five miles 
of the city of Manila at daybreak. 

"We then sighted the Spanish squadron, Rear-Admiral Montejo, command- 
ing, off Cavite (pronounced Kahveetay, with accent on the ' vee'). Here the 
Spaniards had a well- equipped navy yard called Cavite arsenal. 

"Admiral Montejo's flag was flying on the 3,500 ton protected cruiser Reina 
Crist }ia. The protected cruiser Castilla, of 3,200 tons, was moored ahead, and 
astern to the port battery, and to seaward were the cruisers Don Juan de Aus- 
tria, Don Antonio de Ulloa, Isla de Cuba, Isla de Luzon, Quiros, Marquis del 
Duero and General Leso. These ships and the flagship remained under way 
during most of the action. 

" With the United States flag flying at all their mastheads, our ships moved 
to the attack in line ahead, with a speed of eight knots, first passing in front of 
Manila, where the action was begun by three batteries mounting guns powerful 
enough to send a shell oyer us at a distance of five miles. 

"The Concord's guns boomed out a reply to these batteries with two shots. 
No more were fired, because Commodore Dewey could not engage with these 
batteries without sending death and destruction into the crowded city. 

"As we neafed Cavite two very pov/erful submarine mines were exploded 
ahead of the flagship. This was at six minutes past 5 o'clock. 

"The Spaniards evidently had misjudged our position. Immense volumes 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 529 

of water were thrown high in the air by these destroyers, but no harm was done 
to our ships. 

" Commodore Dewey had fought with Farragut at New Orleans and Mobile 
Bay, where he had his first experience with torpedoes. Not knowing how 
many more mines there might be ahead, he still kept on without faltering. No 
other mines exploded, however, and it is believed that the Spaniards had only 
these two in place. 

" Only a few minutes later the shore battery at Cavite point sent over the 
flagship a shot that nearly hit the battery in Manila, but soon the guns got a 
better range and the shells began to strike near us or burst close aboard from 
both the batteries and the Spanish vessels. 

" The heat was intense. Men stripped off all clothing except their trousers. 
"As the Olympia drew nearer all was as silent on board as if the ship had 
been empty, except for the whir of the blowers and the throb of the engines. 
" Suddenly a shell burst direcdy over us. 

"From the boatswain's mate at the after five- inch gun came a hoarse cry. 
' Remember the Maine I ' arose from the throats of 500 men at the guns. 

" This watchword was caught up in turrets and fire rooms, wherever seaman 
or fireman stood at his post. 

" ' Remember the Mame ! ' had rung out for defiance and revenge. Its 
utterance seemed unpremeditated, but was evidently in every man's mind, and 
now that the moment had come to make adequate reply to the killing of the 
Maine's crew every man shouted what was in his heart. 
" The Olympia was now ready to begin the fight. 

" Commodore Dewey, his chief of staff, Commander Lamberton, an aid and 
myself, with Executive Officer Lieutenant Rees and Navigator Lieutenant Calkins, 
who conned ship most admirably, were on the forward bridge. Captain Grid- 
ley was in the conning tower, as it was thought unsafe to risk losing all the 
senior officers by one shell. 

'"You may fire when ready, Gridley,' said the Commodore, and at nineteen 
minutes of 6 o'clock, at a distance of 5,500 yards, the starboard eight-inch gun 
in the forward turret roared forth a compliment to the Spanish forts. Presently 
similar guns from the Baltimore and the Boston sent 250-pound shells toward 
the Castilla and the Reina Cristina for accuracy. 

" The Spaniards seemed encouraged to fire faster, knowing exactly our dis- 
tance, while we had to guess theirs. Their ship and shore guns were making 
things hot for us. 

" The piercing scream of shot was varied often by the bursting of time-fuse 
shells, fragments of which would lash the water like shrapnel or cut our hull 

and rigging. , u -^ 

"One large shell that was coming straight at the Olympia s forward bridge 

fortunately fell within less than 100 feet away. A fragment cut the rigging 

exactly over the heads of Lamberton, Rees and myself. 

" Another struck the bridge gratings in line with it. A third passed just 



530 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



under Commodore Dewey and gouged a hole in the deck. Incidents like these 
were plentiful. 

" Our men naturally chafed at being exposed without returning fire from all 
our guns, but laughed at danger and chatted good-humoredly. A {t.\\ nervous 
fellows could not help dodging mechanically when shells would burst right over 
them or close aboard, or would strike the water and pass overhead, with the 
peculiar spluttering roar made by a tumbling rifled projectile 

" Still the flagship steered for the centre of the Spanish hne, and, as our other 
ships were astern, the Olyinpiii received most of the Spaniards' attention. 

" Owing to our deep draught, Commodore Dewey felt constrained to change 
his course at a distance of 4,000 yards and run parallel to the Spanish column. 
' Open with all guns,' he said, and the ship brought her port broadside bearing. 

" The roar of the flagship's five-inch rapid-firers was followed by a deep 
diapason of her after turret eight-inchers. Soon our other vessels were equally 
hard at work, and we could see that our shells were making Cavite harbor hot- 
ter for the Spaniards than they had made the approach for us. 

" Protected by their shore batteries and made safe from close attack by shal- 
low water, the Spaniards were in a strong position. They put up a gallant 
fight. The Spanish ships were sailing back and forth behind the Castilla, and 
their fire, too, was hot. 

" One shot struck the Baltimore and passed clear through her, fortunately 
hitting no one. Another ripped up her main deck, disabled a six-inch gun and 
exploded a box of three-pounder ammunition, wounding eight men. 

" The Olympia was struck abreast the gun in the ward room by a shell which 
burst outside, doing little damage. 

" The signal halyards were cut from Lieutenant Brumby's hand on the after 
bridge. A shell entered the Boston's port quarter and burst in Ensign Dod- 
ridge's state room, starting a hot fire, and fire was also caused by a shell which 
burst in the port hammock netting. Both these fires were quickly put out. 

" Another shell passed through the Boston's foremast just in front of Captain 
Wildes, on the bridge. 

'After having made four runs along the Spanish line, finding the chart 
incorrect. Lieutenant Calkin's, the Olympiads navigator, told the Commodore 
he believed he could take the ship nearer the enemy, with a lead going to watch 
the depth of water. The flagship started over the course for the fifth time, 
running within 2,000 yards of the Spanish vessels. 

" At this range even six-pounders were effective, and the storm of shells 
poured upon the unfortunate Spanish began to show marked results. 

"Three of the enemy's vessels were seen burning and their fire slackened. 

" On finishing this run Commodore Dewey decided to give the men break- 
fast, as they had been at the guns two hours, with only one cup of coffee to 
sustain them. Action ceased temporarily at twenty-five minutes of 8 o'clock, 
the other ships passing the flagship and cheering lustily. 

" Our ships remained beyond range of the enemy's guns until ten minutes of 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 531 

1 1 o'clock, when the signal for close action again went up. The Baltimore had 
the place of honor in the lead, with the flagship following and the other ships 
as before. 

"The Baltimore began firing at the Spanish ships and batteries at sixteen 
minutes past II o'clock, making a series of hits as if at target practice. The 
Spaniards replied slowly, and the Commodore signaled the Raleigh, the Bos- 
ton, the Concord and the Petrel to go into the inner harbor and destroy all the 
enemy's ships. 

"By her light draught the little Petrel was enabled to move within 1,000 
yards. Here, firing swiftly but accurately, she commanded everything still fly- 
ing the Spanish flag. 

" Other ships were also doing their whole duty, and soon not one red and 
yellow ensign remained aloft, except on a battery up the coast. The Spanish 
flagship and the Castilla had long been burning fiercely, and the last vessel to 
be abandoned was the Don Antonio de Ulloa, which lurched over and sank. 

"Then the Spanish flag on the arsenal staff was hauled down, and at half- 
past 12 o'clock a white flag was hoisted there. Signal was made to the 
Petrel to destroy all the vessels in the inner harbor, and Lieutenant Hughes, 
with an armed boat's crew, set fire to the Don Jiian de Austria, Marquis 
Duero, the Isla de Cuba and the Correo. 

" The large transport Manila and many tugboats and small craft fell into 
our hands. 

" ' Capture or destroy Spanish squadron,' were Dewey's orders. Never were 
instructions more effectually carried out. Within seven hours after arriving on 
the scene of action nothing remained to be done." 

Supplementary to the original report, Mr. Stickney fur- 
nished the following details, painting the glorious historical 
picture for immortality. 

"Hong-Kong, Sunday.— Early in the morning of Monday, the day after 
the battle in Manila Bay, Commander Lamberton and myself were ordered to 
go to the Cavite arsenal and take possession, 

" The Petrel took us within 500 yards of the landing, when we were surprised 
to see that the arsenal was still occupied by about 800 seamen, armed with 
Mauser magazine rifles. 

"As a white flag had been hoisted on the arsenal the day before. Com- 
mander Lamberton could not understand what the Spaniards intended to do, 
and before leaving the Petrel he ordered Commander Wood to keep his men at 
the guns with directions that if we were not back in one hour he should open 
fire on the arsenal. 

" On landing we were met by Captain Sostoa of the Spanish navy, next in 
rank at this station to Admiral Montejo, who had been wounded and conveyed 
to Manila. 



532 THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

"Commander Lamberton, Lieutenant Wood of the /V/r^'/and myself went 
with Captain Sostoa to the arsenal headquarters, which was at once surrounded 
by an armed guard. 

" Commander Lamberton told Captain Sostoa that he was surprised to see 
his men under arms, after they had surrendered the day before. 

" Captain Sostoa replied that they had not surrendered, but had merely 
hoisted the white flag in order to enable them to remove women and children 
to places of safety 

" Commander Lamberton said that when the Spanish flag came down and 
the white flag went up no other interpretation could be put upon it than that it 
was an unconditional surrender, and the women and children ought not to 
have been there anyhow. 

" Captain Sostoa remarked that we came so early in the day they had no 
time to remove them. If we had not begun the fight so soon the women would 
have been out of the way. 

" Commander Lamberton reminded him that the Spaniards had fired the 
first shot. However, he added, he was not there to discuss past events. He 
had come, as Commodore Dewey's representative, to take possession of the 
arsenal. All Spaniards there, he said, must surrender their arms and persons 
as prisoners of war, otherwise our ships would open fire on them. 

" Then Captain Sostoa said he could do nothing, not being in command, and 
would have to consult his superiors. 

"Commander Lamberton refused to recognize any one but the senior officer 
actually present, who, he said, must comply with Commodore Dewey's con- 
ditions. 

" Captain Sostoa asked to have the terms of surrender put down in writing, 
which was done, these being the conditions : 

" Without further delay all Spanish officers and men must be withdrawn, and 
no buildings or stores must be injured. As Commodore Dewey does not wish 
further hostility with the Spanish naval forces, the Spanish officers will be 
paroled, and the forces at the arsenal will deliver all their small arms. 

"Captain Sostoa then pleaded for more time. The talk had all been in 
Spanish, and the time when Commander Wood was to open fire was already 
nearly up. Consequently, Commander Lamberton gave the Spaniards two 
hours' time. 

" If the white flag was not rehoisted over the arsenal at noon, he said, we 
should re-open fire. 

" We returned to the Petrel just in time and started back across the bay to 
report to the commodore. 

" At a quarter to 1 1 o'clock the white flag was hoisted, but when we went to 
take possession of the arsenal in the afternoon we found that every seaman had 
marched off to Manila, carrying his Mauser rifle with him. 

" Having learned that evening that the governor of Manila had refused to let 
the cable company transmit our messages, Commodore Dewey sent the mer- 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 533 

chant steamer Zafiro a short distance down the bay and had her cut tlie 
cable. 

" Having no instruments for working a cable, we could not keep up com- 
munication, and the governor would not let the cable company send its opera- 
tors to our ships. 

" No one can complain that Commodore Dewey has been slow in finishing off 
his work, but he would have done it even sooner but for an accident to one of 
the Raleigh's pumps, which detained him in Mirs Bay two days, and also the 
slow speed of which transport vessels are capable. 

" But for these delays the Spanish ships would have been destroyed on Thurs- 
day, instead of Sunday, as in all other respects Commodore Dewey's plans 
were complete. 

" During the passage of the forts at the entrance of Manila Bay on Saturday 
night Frank B. Randall, chief engineer of the revenue cutter Mcculloch.^ died 
suddenly from heat and prostration. He was buried at sea the next day. 

" Although the McCulloch was of no value as a fighting machine Commodore 
Dewey several times made use of her to overhaul sailing craft. 

" She kept at a safe distance from the scene of action on Sunday, but went 
down the bay to meet the English merchant steamer Esjiieralda, which was 
coming in, and made an excellent record for speed as a despatch boat while 
bringing us over to Hong-Kong on Thursday. 

" As soon as the natives ashore learned that the Spaniards had been driven 
out of Cavite they began coming in crowds to pillage. Finally, they became so 
bold as to attack the hospital, and it was necessary either to send a guard of 
American seamen to protect the wounded or transfer them to Manila. The 
latter was done on Wednesday, Commodore Dewey utilizing captured steamers 
for this duty. 

" All the houses of Spaniards in the town of San Roque, near Cavite, were 
absolutely gutted by the natives, who even ventured into the arsenal and 
carried off many boat-loads of furniture and stores before the marine guard was 
posted at the gates. 

" The Spanish defeat was advertised for miles away by the ships burning in 
Cavite Bay. The Castilla, which was set on fire in Sunday morning's battle, 
was a magnificent mass of flames twelve hours later, and continued to burn all 
night, with brilliant intensity. 

" I boarded the Don Juan de Austria, Isia de Lttzoji and Maj-quis del Dut-ro 
while they were still burning. I found them fitted up with fine Canet rapid-fire 
guns and most of the modern improvements. 

" I did not discover until after we had spent the afternoon in their vicinity 
that all their large guns had been left loaded with powder and shell, making 
them peculiarly dangerous to small boats. 

" The guns generally laid level just above the surface of the water. As several 
of them were pointed at the arsenal, their charges were first drawn, then 
' drowned,' as the fire might reach them at any moment. 



534 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



" When our ships drew away for breakfast on Sunday morning the temper of 
the men was well illustrated by the almost tearful appeal of one gun captain to 
Commander Lamberton : 

"'For God's sake, captain, don't stop now! Let's finish 'em up right off. 
To hell with breakfast ! ' 

" ' Old Purdy,' a privileged petty officer, because he has served in the navy 
or army nearly fifty years, was greeted by the commodore on Saturday, when 
the old man ' shifted his quid ' and said : 

" ' I hope you won't fight on the third of May, commodore.' 

" ' Why not ? ' asked Commodore Dewey. 

" ' Well, you see,' the old man answered, ' I got licked last time I fought on 
that date.' 

" Purdy had been with Hooker at Chancellorsville, and he did not like that 
anniversary. 

" All our men suffered greatly from the heat during the action, for they were 
shut up below, with furnaces blazing and the tropical sun pouring down its heat 
rays. Probably several of the men would have succumbed but for the excite- 
ment of battle. 

" Eighty Spanish bodies were found unburied on Monday night, and we gave 
them burial on Tuesday morning, calling in a Roman Catholic priest to read 
the burial service over their remains. 

" The bodies presented a horrible sight. One had the head almost wholly 
carried away. Another had been struck in the stomach by a large projectile, 
cutting everything away to the backbone. 

" One very large man, apparently an officer, was not only mangled, but 
burned, and all the bodies were frightfully bloated. 

" To add to the horror of the scene several lean wolf-like dogs had discovered 
the bodies before we had. 

" Probably there are nowhere a more interested or more thoroughly happy 
set of persons than the group of wives of American naval officers who have 
been living in Hong Kong in order to be near their husbands. 

" Having heard little news, except alarming rumors, since the squadron left 
here, they are now recovering their normal serenity, with the certainty that their 
husbands are safe. There are about a dozen of these officers' wives forming a 
little navy colony here. 

" The more I recall the events of last Sunday's battle at Manila, the more 
miraculous it seems that no American lost his life. 

" The shell that entered the Boston's ward-room was going straight for Pay- 
master Martin, when it exploded within five feet of him, yet he was not touched. 

''Aboard the Olympia the surgeon's operating table was placed in the ward- 
room. Chaplain Frazier, who was assisting the surgeon, had his head out of 
one of the six-pounder gun ports, when a shell struck the ship's side, less than 
a yard away. The chaplain pulled his head in just in time to escape having it 
blown off, as the shell instantly burst. 



THE BATTLE OE MANILA. 



535 



"Three fragments of one shell struck the Olympia within a ladiusof rmeen 
feet from Commodore Dewey. 

" The armor piercing projectile that exploded the box of three-pounder 
ammunition on board the Baltzi/wre passed between two groups ol men, so close 
to boih that it is difficult to see how all escaped. 

" If the Spaniards had properly prepared for our coming they would have 
killed many of our men, but they had not intended to make their fight at 
Cavite. 

"Among other official papers captured in Admiral Montejo's office was his 
acknowledgment of the receipt of the decision of the council of war officers to 
mass his guns and ships at Subig Bay, where much better conditions for defence 
existed. This was prevented only by Commodore Dewey's prompt action. A 
few days would have sufficed to remove all their guns and ships to Subig Bay, 
where there is a narrow entrance and the water is shoal, and a plunging fire 
from the shore would have made victory very difficult for us to attain. 

" As 1 have already stated, after the destruction of the enemy's ships and 
fortifications and the battle was over, Commodore Dewey anchored the fleet off 
the city of Manila and sent word to Governor-General Augusti that the por' of 
Manila was now blockaded. 

" With this notice went the plainly worded warning that if a single shot were 
fired at any ship of the American fleet from Manila the city would be laid in 
ashes. 

"Commodore Dewey also made a demand for the use of the cable from 
Manila to Hong Kong No reply to this demand was received, and the cable 
was cut on Monday 

" Never in the history of battles on sea or land has there been a more com- 
plete clearing out of an enemy of equal or superior force achieved with so little 
harm to the victors. 

"Not one American was killed. After the battle every American ship was 
ready to fight another similar action immediately. 

" This complete victory was the product of forethought, cool, well-balanced 
judgment, discipline and bravery. 

"The position taken by the Spaniards, coupled with their heavy guns 
mounted on shore, gave them an enormous advantage. Only our good luck or 
the bad aim of the Spanish gunners saved us from a terrible loss of life. 

" Where every vessel in the American fleet proved itself so efficient 1 cannot 
draw distinctions, but when the ships passed each other, close aboard after the 
action was over, the heartiest cheers heard after those for the commodore were 
given to the little gunboat Petrel. 

" During the first hour of the fight a Spanish torpedo boat was seen sneaking 
along shore ahead of the Olympia. Suddenly this torpedo boat turned and 
made a quick and plucky dash at the flagship. 

" The commnnder of that Spanish craft must have been ignorant of the power 
of modern guns or utterly indifferent to death. 



536 THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 

"Not until she had been twice hit by shots from the Olympics secondary 
battery did the daring httle boat turn back. She reached the beach just in time 
to save her crew from drowning. 

" Two other Spanish torpedo boats made more cautious attempts to come out 
into the harbor to attack us, but one was immediately sunk by our fire and the 
other quickly abandoned the attack.'' 

The wounded were : Lieutenant, Frank Woodruff Kel- 
logg ; Ensign, Noble Edward Irwin; Coxswains, Michael 
John Buddinger, Edward Snelgrove ; Robert L. Barlow, 
landsman ; Richard P. Covert, William O'Keefe, Rosario 
Ricciarddelli, seamen. 

The squadrons engaged were : 

SPANISH. 

Reina Christina, steel cruiser; displacement, 3,520; armament, six 62, two 
2.7, three 2.2, two 1.5, six 3-pounders, two machine; torpedo tubes, 5; speed, 
17.5; complement, 370. 

Castilla, wood cruiser; displacement, 3,342; armament, four 5.9, two 4.7, two 
3.3, four 2.9, eight R. F., two machine; torpedo tubes, 2; speed, 14.0; com- 
plement, 300. 

Don Antonio de £///tfa, iron cruiser; displacement, 1,130; armament, four 4.7, 
three 2.2, two 1.5, five machine; torpedo tubes, 2; speed, 14.0; complement, 130. 

Isia de Cuba, steel cruiser; displacement, 1,030; armament, four 4.7, four 
6-pounders, two 3-pounders; two machine; torpedo tubes, 3; speed, 16.0; 
complement, 160. 

General Lezo, iron gunboat; displacement, 524; armament, two 4.7, one 3.5, 
two R. F., one machine; torpedo tubes, 2; speed, ii.o; complement, 100. 

Marques del Duero, iron dispatch vessel; displacement, 590; armament, 
one 6.2 two 4.7, one machine; speed, lo.o; complement, 100. 

Elcano, iron gunboat; dispk\cement, 524: armament, three 4.7, two R. F., 
two machine; torpedo tubes, i; speed, 11. 5; complement, 116. 

Velasco, iron cruiser; displacement, 1,152; armament, three 5.9, two 2.7, two 
machine; speed, 14.3; complement, 173. 

Mindanao, iron transport; displacement, 4,195 gross tons. 

AMERICAN. 

The United States fleet was composed of the following vessels: 
Olympia^ steel cruiser; displacement, 5,800; armament, four 8, ten 5, four- 
teen 6-pounders, six i-pounders, four machine; torpedo tubes, 6; speed, 21.6; 
complement, 412. 

Baltimore, steel cruiser; displacement, 4,600; armament, four 8, six 6, four 
6 pounders, two 3-pounders, two i-pounders, 6 machine; torpedo tubes, 5; 
speed, 20.6; complement, 375. 



THE BA TTLE OF MANILA. r . 7 

Raleigh, steel cruiser; displacement, 3,183 ; armament, one 6, ten 5, ei-lil 
6-pounders, four I -pounders, two machine; torpedo tubes, i ; speed, 19.0; com- 
plement, 312. 

Boston, steel cruiser; displacement, 3,189; armament, two 8, six 6, two 6- 
pounders, two 3 pounders, six machine; speed, 15.0; complement, 270. 

Petrel, steel gunboat; displacement, 890; armament, four 6, two 3-pounders, 
one i-pounder, four machine; speed, 13.7; complement, 132. 

McGilloch, steel revenue cutter; displacement, 2,000; four 6-pounders; 
complement, 100. 

Comparison of the two fleets shows that Admiral Dewey, 
with about 19,500 tons displacement of American war ships, 
annihilated about i 2,000 tons displacement of Spanish war 
ships. The total number of guns mounted on board the 
United States ships was 120. On board the Spanish ships 
there were 94 guns. The number of men on board the 
former was about 1,600; on the latter, about 1,300. 

In neither squadron was there an armored ship, but all 
of the United States vessels had more or less protection 
from their steel decks, while only two of the Spanish vessels 
had protective decks. 

Except in number of vessels the United States squadron 
was the superior of the Spanish squadron ; yet every one 
of Admiral Dewey's ships was penetrable by the guns of 
the Spanish ships had the gunners of the latter been able 
to point their pieces properly. The largest guns mounted 
on board the American ships were 8-inch, of which there 
were ten. Spain had no larger calibre afloat than 6-inch. 

dewey's diary. 

Monday, Apnl 2^. — Received news of the declaration of 
war. Quitted British waters. 

Wednesday. — Sailed for Manila at the fastest speed that 
could be made with the coal supply of the ships. 

Sattirday Nig-ht. — Passed the batteries at the entrance 
of Manila Bay. 



538 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



Sunday. — Sank, burned or captured all the ships of the 
Spanish squadron. Silenced and destroyed three batteries. 

Monday. — Occupied navy yard. Blew up six batteries 
at the entrance to the bay. Cut the cable. Established 
blockade of Manila. Drove the Spanish forces out of 
Cavite. 

Tuesday and Wednesday. — Swept the lower bay and en- 
trance for torpedoes. Gave crews well-earned rest. Pre- 
pared official despatches. 

An official despatch from General Augusti, Governor- 
General of the Philippines, sent by the way of Labuan, said : 

" The enemy seized Cavite and the arsenal owing to the 
destruction of the Spanish squadron, and established a close 
blockade. It is said that, at the request of the consuls, the 
enemy will not bombard Manila for the present, provided I 
do not open fire upon the enemy's squadron, which is out 
of range of our guns. Therefore I cannot fire until they 
come nearer. 

" A thousand sailors arrived here yesterday evening from 
our destroyed squadron, the losses of which number 6i8." 

Senor Sagasta, Prime Minister of Spain, said to a 
Journal correspondent, "The unfortunate events which 
have just taken place at Manila have saddened all Span- 
iards, but have not made them lose heart, and we feel con- 
solation in these days of mourning in thinking that our 
sailors did their duty valiantly, and succumbed only before 
the great superiority of the hostile fleet. 

" After behaving so heroically we can say with confidence 
that in this disaster nothing occurred to wound our pride. 
I, myself, had much satisfaction in publicly rendering tribute 
to the commander of the Rehia Cristina and the other he- 
roes who met death in this unequal combat, giving their 
lives for the honor of Spain. 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 53^ 

" Much has been said regarding the causes of die 
catastrophe, but all discussion has been beside the question. 
The truth is that we were too few, that we were over- 
whelmed by the great superiority of the enemy's forces, and 
by the fortunes of war, which unhappily went against us." 

The World interviewed and cabled an interview with 
Sir Charles Dilke, who was asked whether any question of 
international law or practice affected the United States' 
right to retain the Philippines ? He said : 

" None whatever. The States will hold the Philippines 
by the right of conquest. No power or powers will have 
the slightest title to interfere." 

" But may not some power, Germany or France, for in- 
stance, bring pressure to bear on the United States to sur- 
render them ? " 

"That Idea of continental pressure I regard as all moon- 
shine. No power would attempt pressure unless we were 
In the same boat with them, which we never will be. With- 
out English naval support no power will venture upon any 
action in the matter." 

" Do you consider that the United States should retain 
possession of the Philippines?" 

" Certainly I do. The only alternatives are some kind 
of autonomous republican government, which would need 
so much American protection that the United States might 
as well hold the islands themselves. Then there is handing 
them over to Japan ; but that would excite the opposition 
of public sentiment in the United States, Japan being a 
pagan nadon. Another alternative Is returning them to 
Spain. But that, too, would excite serious opposition In 
the United States, and may be dismissed as out of the ques- 
tion. It is true that at the end of the great war with 
France we gave back all or nearly all the territory we con- 



540 



THE BA TTLE OF MANILA. 



quered, but that is not a parallel case, as we were ostensibly 
fighting for the king of France." 

" Would the United States have to keep a large force of 
troops in the Philippines ? " 

"Considerable force would be required, and, of course, 
the United States would be compelled to largely increase 
her navy." 

" Do you think the general effect of the United States' 
retention of the Philippines would be to bring nearer the 
possibility of an Anglo-American alliance ? " 

" It would increase their interests in common, but I don't 
wish to say anything about the alliance idea, as I don't 
believe there ever will be an alliance between Great Britain 
and the United States." 

Sir Henry Howarth, M. P., a leading authority on foreign 
politics and international law, said : 

" I have no hesitation in saying that the United States 
have a perfect right to keep the Philippines, and, under the 
circumstances, it would be both wise and proper for the 
United States to keep them. There is not a consideration 
of international law that could in any way fetter the United 
States in its absolute discretion in the matter. There is no 
third party involved. The islands were discovered by 
Spain, and her sovereignty has never been in dispute. By the 
right of conquest, therefore, America's position is indisput- 
able, and all the members of Parliament, who are authorities, 
to whom I have spoken agree that the United States should 
not give them up. Spain found it impossible to govern 
them in the past, and would find the difficulty still greater 
in the future. If they were handed over to England it 
would provoke a multitude of difficult questions. If Japan 
got them it would also provoke great jealousies. Should 
the United States annex Hawaii together with the Philip- 




K z 

H pq 

CO 

in X 




a 

CO 

a, 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



543 



pines these would constitute two magnificent bases, giving 
the United States immense power in the Pacific, which I 
always hoped they would achieve in the interests of civili- 
zation and commerce." 

The American casualty list was eight men wounded, and 
the official Spanish report was six hundred and eighteen 
killed and wounded. The American figures of Spanish 
loss was twelve hundred killed and wounded, and the esti- 
mate is that between one hundred and fifty and two hundred 
were killed. The damage to American ships was about 
$5,000; Spanish property destroyed or captured $6,000,000. 
The Spanish naval force was larger and its equipment more 
modern and effective than at first appeared. If the land 
batteries of the Spaniards had been well served the odds 
would have been against the Americans. The Spanish 
allowed themselves to be surprised, so that they lost the 
advantages of position and shore support. Then they were 
out-manoeuvred and beaten in the use of big guns as arms 
of precision. There is lack of dignity in talking of the 
Americans creeping in under cover of darkness, and in the 
excuse that there was no search lioht at the entrance to the 
bay, and no patrol established, so that the first notice of the 
presence of the hostile fleet was a spark from the funnel of 
the revenue cutter J/(;0///^(r// / The Spaniards seem tO' 
have depended upon their mines, but made miscalculations 
and fired them too soon. They can blow up a ship that 
they have officially moored to suit themselves, but not one 
that has freedom to move and puts them under fire. The 
Spanish claim that their men were courageous, and fought 
well amidst most disheartening circumstances is justified. 
The mournful words of Sarasta will be Iouq^ remembered. 

American officers on the flag-ship stood in a group 
unprotected on the bridge, the commodore the centre of the 
31 



544 



THE BATTLE OF MANILA. 



group, and apology is made for one who occupied the con- 
ning tower, that it was not proper for all the officers of the 
commodore's boat to be exposed to death from a single 
shell, and therefore one was compelled to betake himself to 
a comparatively safe place. The utter coolness with which 
the commodore knocked off in the midst of the engage- 
ment and ordered a recess and that all might partake of 
refreshments, is an incident that will find a perpetual place 
in the choicest stories of our naval battle experiences. 
However, the Americans were masters of the situation when 
they were called to cease firing and go to breakfast. The 
Spaniards do not seem to have made much disturbance 
during the American intermission. The two terrors, that 
the Spaniards have boasted of, are their mines and tor- 
pedo destroyers, but neither was serviceable at Manila. The 
torpedo boats made plucky dashes, but were wiped out 
with rapid-firing guns. Our gunners, when they got the 
word to let go, moved by one impulse, raised a hoarse 
shout, " Remember the Maine " and avenged her. 




c! Sic s i 
"> ' o j ; 5 



5 I § 1 ^ s I 



545 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

The Power of Our Country Lies in Our Great Wealth and the Intelligence of 
Our Citizens — The Quality of our Fighting Stock Made up Largely of 
Raw Recruits, Shows a Remarkable Development of Heroism — The Bat- 
tle of Manila, and the Sinking of the Mcrrimac at Santiago are Samples 
of American Strategy — Europe again Recognizes Our Almost Forgotten 
Fighting Qualities. 

On the 8th of March Congress appropriated ^50,000,000 
for the National Defence, and on the 25th of May Adjutant- 
General Corbin stated, that when the army of the United 
States was fully organized under existing authority, includ- 
ing the last call for 75,000 volunteers, it would consist of 
278,500 men, divided as follows : 

Regular army 62,000 

Volunteers from States and Territories 200,000 

Three cavalry regiments at large 3,000 

Ten infantry regiments of United States volunteers (immunes), 10,000 

Engineers at large 3. 500 

Total 278,500 

Public opinion in the United States undervalued the 
power of Spain in a defensive struggle, and did not, for 
some time, realize the fact stated by General Fitzhugh Lee, 
that the Spanish army in Cuba is the largest that ever was 
sent so far from home to carry on war. Spain has shipped 
more than two hundred thousand of her young men, con- 
scripted to conquer the Cuban rebellion, and there is not 
included, in this estimate, the Spanish Volunteers, who go 
to Cuba to hold situations and find exemption in three 
years' volunteer service as Cuban Militia, from five years 
546 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



547 



regular military duty. There are not less than forty thou- 
sand of the Cuban Volunteers, as they are called. They 
elect to be home guards in the cities of Cuba, rather than 
in the regular army, and are the most radical and relentless 
of the Spaniards. They have the peculiarity of being better 
drilled than the regulars, and as they carry their guns and 
cartridges home, they cannot be disarmed without search- 
ing from house to house. As a rule they have had the 
physical strength to be masters of Havana, and the one 
organization feared by the Governor-General. Add them 
to the regular Spanish Army in Cuba, and also include the 
seamen serving in the Navy, and there is a force of more 
than a quarter of a million men, phenomenally incompetent 
in aggressive warfare, but of a brave and pugnacious race, 
and no doubt, armed as they are with excellent rifles, and 
sustained by numerous field batteries — one hundred and 
eighty guns is the latest report accessible — they may be ex- 
pected to be formidable as defenders of positions. The 
Cuban insurg-ents have seemed, to the world, much stronoer 
than they are in reality, because they have kept the field in 
the face of the immense forces of the Spaniards. They 
have inherited the art of guerrilla warfare, and the wonder- 
ful vegetation of Cuba, the almost impenetrable forests and 
swamps, and inaccessible mountains, have made nine-tenths 
of the island a vast fortress. The fame of the agricultural 
products of Cuba has been deceptive as to the extent of 
the areas of cultivation, for less than one-fifteenth of the 
surface has been Included in the fields. It is fortunate that 
the President was cautious and deliberative, for there has 
been the possibility of rash precipitations into grave dangers, 
or the adoption of the plans of campaign upon false im- 
pressions, inflamed imaginations and miscalculations. 

The startling victory won on the other side of the world 



548 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

by Admiral Dewey, kindled the blood, and Its glorious 
magic exalted the nation. The people largely, in the mag- 
netic and inspiring illumination of triumph, were forgetful 
that we might search the records of a thousand years of 
wars on the seas, without finding the story of another such 
glory, and there was again required the solid qualities of 
sober judgment to labor and wait for the army to be, as the 
army men say, " set up." 

Often during our controversies with Spain about Cuba, 
attention was drawn to the risings against Spanish rule in 
the Philippine Islands, but it did not occur to the average 
citizen that we should ever be very gravely concerned 
about that Asiatic archipelago. Within a day or two after 
the declaration of war against Spain, it became vaguely 
known that important orders had been sent to our fleet at 
Hong-Kong, which had been assembled there to repre- 
sent our interests during the progress of the partition 
of China ; Russia practically insisting upon acquiring 
an important strip of territory; England, France, and 
Germany urging that they must have compensation, Eng- 
land's position being the more legitimate, on account of her 
very extensive commercial relations with the people of 
China, and her attitude favoring the freedom of the ports. 
The German Emperor manifested his great solicitude by 
sendine his brother to China and uslno- the evident ambi- 
tlon of other nations, and his own imperial concern to arouse 
German sentiment in favor of the increase of his navy. 
Though there had been many shadows of coming events 
cast before, in that part of the globe, Americans had not 
realized that they were to be chief actors in the great drama 
played in the Orient — it Is Oriental if we look upon It from 
our Atlantic coast, or Occidental if we look at it from the 
Pacific shore — until our war with Spain opened with a clap 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



549 



of thunder at Manila, within a week after the order had 
been despatched by the President, to Admiral Dewey, to 
attack and destroy the Spanish fleet. Primarily this was to 
protect our commerce — politically it is the beginning of 
great things, the opening of an era of revolutionary progress. 
We were not prepared at home for such rapid strokes as 
those delivered on the other side of the world by Admiral 
Dewey. The Spaniards in Cuba, upon the abandonment 
of their alleged offensive operations, were able, by giving 
up a multitude of minor points, to assemble forces on the 
lines of the railroads and by the sea in western provinces, 
not far from one hundred thousand strone. This takes 
into account the volunteers, who are a better drilled and 
equipped body of troops than the regulars. It did not 
seem to be a reasonable movement to make, even in the 
light of our Manila experience, to depend upon an available 
force of fifteen thousand regulars to attack from five to 
seven times as many Spaniards with a superior array of 
artillery behind breastworks. Neither did it seem well to 
throw our volunteers, however admirable their individual 
characteristics, into a campaign of invasion before they had 
been hardened into a compact organization. It was the 
opinion of our consuls in Cuba, including General Lee, that 
the Spanish army^ having been sustained chiefly on Imported 
food, had not succeeded In gathering stores of supplies that 
would enable them to endure a blockade for more than a 
month. Evidently the Spaniards had been more thought- 
ful and active in gathering rations than our consuls believed, 
and not sufficient account had been taken of the extraordi- 
nary fertility of the soil of the island, which can be made to 
yield three crops a year, all sorts of food, except that which 
is preferred for army use. A diet of Cuban fruit and vege- 
tables Is, according to experience, productive of fevers. 



550 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

The first war business was to apply rigorously the blockade, 
and there was this compensation for the passing time — 
each week perceptibly, and in the judgment of military men, 
both at home and abroad, essentially improved our troops. 
The first instances of the state of hostilities was the capture 
of Spanish prizes. Then a French steamer insisted upon 
breaking the blockade at Havana, and owing to the lack of 
intelligent politeness in her commander, she was taken to 
Key West, and released by order of our Government, as she 
had official permission to enter the harbor. The first guns 
fired by Spain at the flag of the United States, in defence of 
colonial rights in the island, was from the famous Morro Cas- 
tie, and they were harmless. No reply was made at the time. 
Hence the unwarrantable phrase, "a pacific blockade." 
Until we knew the ability of Spain's fleet, and whether 
her policy was to make the fight for Cuba a naval one, it 
would have been an unwise act to have met the pop- 
ular demand for a bombardment of Havana, by testing 
the comparative strength of our battleships against the bat- 
teries that guard that city. We could hardly have destroyed 
the fortifications without serious injuries to some of our 
vessels, and the loss of a few ships or their temporary dis- 
ability might have given the Spanish squadrons, had they 
been united, a dangerous preponderance, especially as the 
Oregon had not yet arrived. One of the events that has 
attracted the attention of the seamen of the world has been 
the voyage of that ship from California to Florida, passing 
around Cape Horn and all the West India islands, more 
than fourteen thousand miles, at good speed and without 
accident. American mechanics have reason to take pride 
in the work of their hands upon this noble boat. As our 
squadrons were feeling along the shores of Cuba, they were 
fired upon occasionally, and the first marked case of return- 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



551 



Ing the compliment was at Matanzas, where a furious 
cannonade, for some time, served a good purpose as target 
practice — gave our battleships a baptism of fire without 
doing them any harm, and was of value to the officers and 
crew as an experience. There is a natural anxiety in the 
men enlisted for war to smell gunpowder that is burned in 
earnest, and hear the humminor of cannon balls. It should 
soothe the nerves and teach composure. 

On May 12th two telegrams were received by the Sec- 
retary of the Navy, one from Admiral Dewey, stating there 
was little change in the situation, and he was *' transfer- 
ring to transports, steel breech-loading rifles Jrom sunken 
Spanish men-of-war;" also, stores from the arsenal in his 
possession, and maintaining strict blockade. The other 
despatch was from Key West, announcing that in an action 
in Cardenas harbor five of the crew of the torpedo boat 
Winsloiv were killed and three wounded. Killed : Worth 
Bagley, ensign, U. S. N. ; John Varveres, oiler; John Den- 
fee, fireman, first-class; George B, Meek, fireman, first-class; 
Elijah B. Tunnell, cabin cook. Woiuided : J. S. Bernadou, 
lieutenant, commanding Wbislozv ; William Patterson, seri- 
ously, but not fatally; Daniel McKeown, quartermaster, 
first-class, slightly. 

The Winslow was badly damaged, and would have been 
captured if it had not been for the heroic handling of the 
auxiliary tug Hudson. Ensign, Worth Bagley, of North 
Carolina, killed in this affair, was the first of our country- 
men to fall in the war. The shell that killed him gave his 
name to the roll of immortals. It may be said of him, as 
Longfellow said of Burns: "That early death gave him 
immortal youth." Ensign Bagley's letters to his mother, 
written a few days before his death, have been published, 
and are described as brave, true, and tender. The extracts 



552 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



following are warranted for this characterization. They 
are worthy to touch all hearts through all time. He 
wrote : 

" I will not run into any danger I don't think proper, but 
can't promise you anything else ; don't you know what I 
mean, dear? Still, I will think of you all the time. 

" It was so sweet of you to remember me on my birthday. 
I was so busy that day that I didn't know it was my birth- 
day till three in the afternoon. The pipe is a beauty; being 
your present, it will make many a peaceful, happy smoke for 
me, whenever I smoke it. 

"The little yellow buds you put in your last letter made 
me think of our front porch at home, and of how beautiful 
it must be now with its wealth of them. 

" You need have no fears about me, for there is no dan- 
ger for us now. There may be when the Spanish fleet 
comes, but I am sorry to say that I fear that will never be. 
A war comes only once in a generation, and it will be very 
hard if I can get no chance, to do some unusual service, so 
it is very disappointing to have no tangible enemy to meet. 
You are a brave mother, so you must feel like I do when- 
ever we are engaged in any thing at all dangerous — enjoy 
the excitement: feel that, but nothing more. Thank Heaven 
I have found that I have no fear, for I have analyzed all my 
feelings in danger. Don't repeat that ; it would be a boast 
to any one but you. Your last letter made me feel so 
happy, and I am so proud to receive your praise, to feel 
that never have I 'given you an hour's trouble or unhap- 
piness.' To hear you say that, dear angel, is more to me 
than any ambition in this world. 

" Do you ever think that I have no heart to love because 
I follow a profession that keeps me nearly away from you ? 
I know that you never do feel so, for you know I love you. 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



553 



Sometimes I remember and think of how you always love 
to have us children tell you how much we love you. 

" Good-by for a short space. This letter is hurried, for 
there is a great deal that I must do. Love to every one. 
Good-by for a few days. Devotedly." 

Porto Rico has more and more commended itself to 
those students of the situation who have serious responsi- 
bility and cool judgment, as a place where it would be well 
to strike a blow. The island is about two-thirds the size of 
the State of Connecticut, and is more extensively cultivated 
and largely populated, in proportion to its extent, than 
Cuba, which is the same size as the State of New York. 
Commodore Sampson visited the principal port, San Juan, 
and indulged in a thunderous target practice, giving the 
people to understand that the American navy was not on a 
pacific mission, and trying thoroughly the substantial quali- 
ties of our battleships to withstand the shock of firing their 
tremendous guns. It was for a time held by many of the 
organs of public opinion, that it could hardly be claimed 
war existed without the sound of cannonading in the West 
Indies, however ineffectual the noise ; but the people are 
getting over those phases of imaginary interest, and are 
able to discover that war is not a gay festivity but a 
erave and bitter business. There has been dissatisfaction 
because the Spanish Admiral Cervera, who appeared so 
suddenly in the West Indies after he was believed to be in 
Cadiz, was able, for a time, to elude our superior fleets. 
There is nothing novel, in naval experience, of losing an 
enemy on the wide wastes of the ocean. Lord Nelson 
missed the French fleet in the Mediterranean until it 
anchored at Aboukir, and in running across the Adantic 
from Gibraltar to the Windward Islands, seeking and failing 
to find another French fleet. Perhaps the Spanish Admiral 



554 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



was serviceable to us if he delayed us in the embarkation 
of troops, for when he appeared at the scenes of warfare, 
the American army certainly was not in as good condition 
to move as was desirable. Each day's delay told for us. 
The bottoms of his ships became grassy ; his coal-bunkers 
and .his food supply scanty; the Cadiz fleet didn't come. 
He had to retreat or meet his fate on the high seas, and so 
ran into that deep pocket, the harbor of Santiago, the old 
capital of Cuba, the home now of the head of the church 
on the island, the scene of the Virginius massacre, situated 
in the eastern province of Cuba, where the insurgents are 
most numerous. The capacity of the Admiral to conceal 
himself was so clever that he was able, for some days, to 
make a mystery of his disappearance, and the fact that he 
could perplex the American people seems to have been a 
comfort to the Spaniards at large. 

We have some occasion to be under obligation to this 
wandering Spaniard who may, some day, be famous as the 
" Flying Dutchman," for he has drawn attention especially 
to the advantages of Santiago as an objective point of an 
assault by our army. Once in possession of Porto Rico 
and the province of Santiago, we hold the keys of the posi- 
tion not less certainly, than if we had captured Havana and 
destroyed, by bombardment, that fine old tower at Morro 
castle that we want for an American flacr-staff! Besides 
we are indebted to Cervera for another bloodless and 
splendid victory by the American navy — the sinking of the 
Merrimac in the mouth of the harbor by that young hero 
from Alabama, Richard Pearson Hobson. In response to 
the commodore's call for volunteers to take part in an ex- 
pedition that was a forlorn hope, the officers and men of 
the fleet made it unanimous, and the commodore selected 
those deemed most fit to perform the perilous task. Hob- 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 



55S 



son was his choice, and the young man gloriously vindicated 
it. His name is forever in the list of our heroes. That 
which he did was not only daring and brilliant, it was con- 
clusive and memorable. It is difficult to overestimate its 
importance. One who was merely courageous, a hot head, 
reckless of danger, could have rushed in and sunk the 
Merrimac in the channel, but it took mathematical brains, 
thoughtfulness under the most trying circumstances, to 
guide the ship around so that she should rest in the center 
of the channel effectually blockading the harbor, holding fast 
the squadron that has haunted so many seas. The Spanish 
admiral is not merely bottled up, there is a steel stopper 
that plugs the bottle, and the fleet of Spain, there barricaded 
and imprisoned, represents the only hope of that country of 
contesting our supremacy in the waters of the West Indies, 
Now it does not materially matter whether the Cadiz 
squadron comes or goes, the sinking of the Merrimac set- 
tles the commanding question of the sea power in our 
favor. 

The war came on between the United States and Spain, 
finding both nations unprepared, though they had been, for 
a generation, aware that the current of events was carrying 
them slowly but certainly into conditions of collision. For 
three years they have been bound to " shoot Niagara," as 
Thomas Carlyle phrased it. The unpreparedness of Spain 
for a conflict with a greater power was in the exhaustion of 
her energies. She had attempted, about a year ago, to cut 
in two the interest on her national debt and was obliged to 
put up collateral in order to raise money for war expenses. 
Her soldiers were unpaid, and her ships unready. She had 
sent the masses of her army across the Atlantic. She had 
changed premiers and captain-generals, but not her character 
or her system. She had lost Cuba, but had not the courage 



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558 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

and of yachts at home, readily convertible into light and 
searching craft, certainly equal, as they are manned, to any- 
thing in the Spanish navy, while our four splendid trans- 
Atlantic liners were quickly put in order to answer, in asso- 
ciation with our battleships and cruisers, the purpose as- 
signed in the navies of the last centuries and generation, to 
the frigates — that of being " the eyes " of fleets of ships of 
the line. Some of the old monitors with new guns aboard 
commended themselves to the general judgment, and we 
have some of a later pattern from which, no doubt, there will 
be good reports. It was not the opinion of Europe at first 
that our navy out-classed that of Spain, but that it did so, 
became conspicuous before the world in the battle of Manila. 
We had sadly neglected the army. There had been 
many reports of an official character showing that it ought 
to be re-organized and enlarged — not that we want a great 
standing army, but that we might have the nucleus of a 
competent force of defenders. There had been vain efforts 
to provide additional batteries of artillery, and the dema- 
gogy of the country had largely taken ground against the 
increase of military forces. Fortunately, the character of 
the army had steadily improved for more than ten years. 
The material of the regulars was much better than formerly. 
Desertions, once the sin and shame of the army, were re- 
duced to a very small percentage. A greater proportion 
than ever of soldiers were Americans — thoroughly so — and 
their drill up to the highest standard. These facts were 
not prominent in the minds of the people, and those who 
knew them did not rate them as of a high degree of im- 
portance. It was a common saying that war was not our 
business; we could depend on volunteers, if we had a 
war ; we did not want soldiers for police purposes, and 
it was not public policy to employ United States regulars 




U. S. ARxMORED CRUISER "BRUOKLVN. 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 561 

for the suppression of disorders unless they extended over 
several States and interfered with the rights of the people 
at large. As for such causes of necessity, to employ regular 
rifles and bayonets and batteries, our history, for more than 
a century, was proof that cases warranting the interference 
of the arms of the nation in controlling mobs were rare, 
and not likely to become abundant. The army had not the 
place it deserved in the public confidence and affectionate 
regard. It was of the best material, thoroughly disciplined, 
trained in marksmanship, armed with the Krag-Jorgensen 
rifle, but very small. The first stirring testimony given 
that the army was a weapon of good temper and might be 
handled to strike telling blows, was in the speedy concen- 
tration of the regulars when the orders were given. The 
posts occupied by the troops were scattered throughout an 
area of territory as great as continental Europe, but in less 
than a week every regiment was in the place to which It had 
been ordered, fully equipped — prepared in every respect 
for the field. The ammunition and provisions, the field 
guns, the tents and the wagons, were, by the magic of our 
vast railroad system, picked up from the remotest parts of 
the country and put down where they were wanted. We 
could have thrown fifteen thousand regulars into Cuba, but 
no more ; and there was not a volunteer regiment ready to 
go Into service, as an invading force, to meet regular troops 
for several weeks. We had not lost the military spirit of 
the country — that never burned higher or clearer, or was 
more fervid and formidable than we found it at once — but 
there was need of organization and an incredible number 
of details to determine. Constant complaints have been 
coming from the camps, of lack of food, water, proper cloth- 
Ine, and shelter. There has been a basis of fact for what 
has been said of deficiencies. It has taken some time to 
32 



562 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

realize that a war camp is not a picnic. We did not have, 
at the start, field artillery to cope with Blanco's one hun- 
dred and eighty guns. It took some time to make up a 
siege train, an indispensable prerequisite to besieging cities. 
There was little clothing of a character suitable to be worn 
by soldiers in the tropics, and a small quantity of material 
on hand of the kind wanted. The nation had not, of course, 
lost the art of war, but the new generation had no exper- 
ience of it, and of the crack regiments of volunteers in 
camp, an astonishing number were unfamiliar with the 
weapons they were called upon to handle. In one body of 
a thousand men, more than three hundred and fifty were 
found who never had fired a gun. Men suffered for lack 
of food because the officers, whose duty it was to make 
requisitions for it, did not know how to do it. Men of the 
best intelligence, entirely inexperienced in camp life, did 
not know how to parch coffee, and make that beverage for 
themselves, neither did they know what to do with raw beef, 
issued in rations ; that would astonish the soldiers of other 
nations. Old soldiers know what to do with a handful of 
green coffee and a slice of fat pork or raw beef. However 
rude their cooking utensils, none of the food is allowed to 
get away. There has been a lack of water supply, bitterly 
complained of. Dismal stories have come from the camp 
at Chickamauga, and there are the famous Crawfish Springs 
pouring out fifty millions of gallons per day, and twenty- 
one artesian wells from eighty to one hundred and forty 
feet deep, the water rising to within four feet of the surface, 
and each fitted with a force pump. It was necessary to 
haul water. The first obvious need was wagons ; the 
second was horses ; the third was harness ; the fourth was 
barrels, and thirst had to be endured for a week, in some 
of the camps, before these things could be got together. 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 563 

When war was declared, we were fearfully and wonderfully 
unprepared for it. 

The remarkable good fighting stock of our country was 
not, however, in the least, demoralized by the eventualities 
preceding the more perfect organization, and it was soon 
shown that, though they were slow, to an extent, in orga- 
nizing, they were quick fighters. 

At Manila, Santiago de Cuba, Porto Rico and at Havana 
they would soon show their fighting qualities. It is the 
old cool-headed race, deliberate, full of energy, and des- 
tined to be the victors, though the blood of some of their 
comrades must enrich the soil of the lands contested. 

It was supposed that the first point of attack on Cuba 
would be made in the vicinity of Havana, and that troops 
would be landed principally at Matanzas, but the move- 
ments of Cervera's fleet and its final location at Santiago 
de Cuba, changed the situation. The squadrons of Samp- 
son and Schley were concentrated at the extremely south- 
eastern coast of Cuba, and instead of an attack on Havana, 
Santiago de Cuba became the objective point of our 
military and naval energies. The most heroic event 
in connection with the attack on the harbor of Santiago 
was the blocking of the channel by the sinking of the 
Mein'imac. 

Lieutenant Hobson's dash into Santiago harbor on the 
MemHmac was as daringly planned, as it was heroically ex- 
ecuted. The brave young naval constructor succeeded in 
sinking the steamer in the channel, securely botding Ad- 
miral Cervera's fleet with no alternative but surrender or 
destruction. 

Hobson sailed into the harbor at full speed, and when 
well past the batteries, in the narrowest part of the channel 
he exploded the torpedoes on board, thereby sinking his 



564 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

vessel and escaped in a dingy, with his heroic crew. The 
torpedoes were placed on her side against her bulk-heads 
and vital spots, connected with each other by a wire under 
the ship's keel. Each torpedo contained over eighty- 
two pounds of gunpowder. Four men and Lieutenant 
Hobson were on deck, while two of the crew had charge 
of the engine. This was the total crew, and all of 
the men were in their underclothing, with revolvers and 
ammunition in water-tight packing, strapped around their 
waists. Forward stood one man on deck with a line at- 
tached around his waist, the end of which was made fast to 
the bridge where stood the lieutenant. This man, acting 
as lookout, also had with him an axe. When Hobson or- 
dered the engines stopped he jerked this cord, thus giving 
a signal to the man in the bow to cut the lashinor which 
held the forward anchor. This man then jumped overboard, 
swimming to the four-oared dingy. The dingy was full of 
life-buoys, and unsinkable. In it were rifles. The first 
man to reach her was to pull out to the starboard. This 
he did, and the rest of the crew left the ship, the quarter- 
master, at the wheel, after having put it hard aport and 
lashed it so. The two men in charore of the engine broke 
open the sea connection with a sledge hammer, and then, 
rushing on deck, they jumped overboard. This last step 
insured the sinking of the Merri7itac whether the torpedoes 
worked or not. By this time the six men were in the 
dingy and the Merrimac swung athwart the channel at her 
full lengrth. Then all that was left to do was to touch the 
button and get off to the boat without delay. There was 
an explosion and a splash ; Hobson was making for the 
dingy, and the Merrimac went to the bottom. 

Ensign Powell was the last man to see Lieutenant Hob- 
son before his start. He had charofe of the launch that 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 565 

followed the Merriinac during- her perilous trip, and tells 
the following story : 

" On the night before this daring event, Lieutenant Hob- 
son took a short sleep for a few hours. At quarter of two 
he came on deck and made a final inspection. At 2.30 
o'clock I took the men who were not going on the trip 
into the launch. I shook hands with Hobson last of all. 
He said : * Powell, watch the boat's crew when we pull out 
of the harbor. We will be cracks, rowing thirty strokes to 
the minute.' After landino- the men on board the Texas, I 
saw the Merrimac steaming slowly. It was only fairly dark 
then. We followed about three quarters of a mile astern. 
The Merrimac was a mile to the westward of the harbor 
and seemed to be a bit mixed. Turning completely around 
and finally heading to the east, she ran down and then 
turned in. We were then chasing them because we 
thought Hobson had lost his bearings. When Hobson 
was about two hundred yards from the harbor the first gun 
was fired. We were then about half a mile off shore and 
near the batteries. We steamed in slowly and lost sight 
of the Alerrhnac in the smoke which the wind carried off 
shore. Before Hobson could have blown up the Merrimac^ 
the western battery picked us up and commenced fire. 
They shot wild, however, and we ran in still closer to the 
shore. The gunners finally lost sight of us. Then we 
heard the explosion of the Merrhiiac. Until daylight we 
waited just outside of the breakers, half a mile to the west- 
ward of Morro, keeping a sharp lookout for the boat or 
swimmers, but saw nothing. Hobson had arranged to 
meet us at that point, but thinking that some one might 
have drifted out, we crossed in front of Morro at the mouth 
of the harbor to the westward. At about five o'clock, we 
crossed the harbor again within one quarter of a mile and 



566 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

Stood to the westward. In passing we saw one spar of the 
Merrimac sticking out of the harbor. We held the shore 
just outside the breakers for a mile, and then turned toward 
the Texas, when the batteries saw us and opened fire. We 
drove the launch for all she was worth, finally making the 
New York without a mishap." It developed that, with 
great bravery, Ensign Powell had gone right under the 
batteries when all hope of taking on board the crew of the 
Mei'rimac had to be abandoned. 

The official report of this event is here given : 

Mole, Hayti, June 4. 
Long, Washington : 

Succeeded in sinking Merriviac in the channel of Santiago at 4 A. M., June 
3. This was carried out most gallantly under the command of Naval Con- 
structor Hobson and six men. By a flag of truce from the Spanish Admiral, 
Cervera, sent in recognition of their bravery, I am informed all are prisoners 
of war, two slightly wounded. Request authority to approve exchange, if pos- 
sible, between these and the prisoners at Atlanta. Six of the Spanish squadron 
in the Harbor of Santiago, unable to avoid being captured or destroyed. 

Sampson. 

The men with Hobson were George Charette, Oscar 
Deignan, John Kelly, Daniel Montague, J. E. Murphy, John 
P. Phillips. The Merrimac was a steel single screw 
steamer, built at Newcastle, England, in 1894; rebuilt 
in New York last year, the work completed in November. 
She was a staunch ship of the highest class in the British 
Lloyds and in the American record — 330 feet long, beam 
44 feet, displacement 7,500 tons with two complete steel 
decks. The last seen of her, one of her spars was sticking 
out of the water. Her depth, from deck to keel, is 30 feet, 
and she rests in the narrowest part of the channel, broad- 
side on. 

In the letter of Raymond Carranza, late of the Spanish 
legation, we have the advantage of reading the inner con- 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 567 

sciousness of an intelligent enemy. He tells that the 
Spaniards have nothing to gain, and may lose their three 
great colonies and be ruined for half a century. He is so 
anxious about the financial situation that he criticises se- 
verely the Bank of Spain, saying, it is the nation, and has 
grown rich by lending paper money, while now, when it 
should have bought four hundred millions of gold, it issued 
five hundred millions of paper. We have only to quote 
the official figures of the condition of the United States 
Treasury on the first of June as a contrast to that of the 
Bank of Spain. Our treasury held seven hundred and 
twenty-one millions, seven hundred and seventy-three thou- 
sand three hundred and two dollars in q-qM and silver — 
gold, ^207,701,263; silver, ^514,072,039. 

An admirable selection for the American military gov- 
ernor of the Philippines was made in the choice of General 
Wesley Merritt, who is to occupy the city of Manila and 
the important parts of the islands, with an army corps of 
twenty thousand men, among them regiments raised from 
Oregon to Pennsylvania. 

The latest from the Philippines shows the following list 
of casualties on the side of the Spaniards in the battle 
of Manila, fully and accurately: Killed on the ships, 78; 
wounded on the ships, 235 ; killed at the arsenal, 23 ; 
wounded at the arsenal, 45. The following is a copy of a 
cable to Admiral Montejo from the Minister of Marine in 
Madrid : 

" Honor and glory to those who have fought heroically 
for their country." 

Mr. Stickney, the historian of the batde, gives an encour- 
aging account of the mustering of the insurgents to aid the 
Americans in completely possessing the island, and adds : 

"The health of officers and men continues good, in spite 



568 OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 

of the severe heat and humidity. The natives now bring- 
off a plentiful supply of chickens, eggs, mangoes, bananas, 
and a few pineapples, but nothing else." 

The death of Captain Gridley of the Olympla, on sick 
leave In Japan, lamentable in Itself, will cause apprehension 
as to the effect of the climate. 

There has been a distinct change In the attitude of the 
European nations toward the United States In respect to 
the Spanish war with the exception of Austria, and perhaps 
Italy, The latter country has been so disturbed in her 
domestic affairs that she has given little attention to foreign 
policy. France, Germany and Russia, as observers of the 
history that has just been made, have assumed attitudes 
that signify their understanding the United States has at- 
tained the rank of one of the great powers In the world, 
and must be recognized and respected accordingly. Eng- 
land remains staunch In her sympathy and serious friendli- 
ness. The position of the Spanish fleets in the present crit- 
ical state of Spain's declining fortunes, amounts to an admis- 
sion of her desperate state — that indeed she is defenseless 
both on land and sea, east and west. Her only reasonable 
hope is that her army in Cuba may make a stand as de- 
fenders of the Island that will, In some degree, lessen the 
pangs of her wounded pride. 

The courtesy of Admiral Cervera in sending his chief of 
staff to Commodore Sampson to assure him of the safety 
of naval-constructor Hobson and his party — this, as an 
expression of admiration for the bravery of the young 
Americans — will do more for the honor of the arms of Spain 
in the good opinion of the enlightened nations, than she 
could have gained from a military or naval success, and 
soften the expression of the just animosity of millions 
offended by her barbarous and ruinous colonial policy. The 



OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE AND HEROISM. 569 

American navy has recorded two splendid victories at Manila 
and Santiago, to be always contrasted with the tragedy at 
Cardenas. The war has already given the nation, through 
its navy, riches of glory worth infinitely more than its cost, 
for that which has been, is but a sign of the greater thinofs 
to be ; and the reputation America has gained in this war 
has brightened her fame around the globe, and will make 
for peace wdth honor, in ages to come. 



THE PRESIDENT. 



ALOFT, alone, upon the great ship's starlit bridge. 
The captain stands on wordless watch, in chilly gloom. 
Great God, thy silent skies are there above his head. 

Though black waves wildly hurl their spectre foam, and boom 
Where'er he turns. He feels the strong ship's tremor, feels 

Her lunge and breast the ceaseless shock of surge and blast ; 
He knows that rocks are there beneath those roaring waves. 

In sullen lurking near her gliding bulk ; yet past 
Each danger swings he still the ship's obedient length. 

Her treasures of a nation's joys of peace, her mass 
Of human love and welfare still undrenched in brine ! 

Hath he not heard, and will he all unheeding pass 
The night-long wail of voices in the offing ? Nay, 

They pierce his stanch heart hour by hour, and through the night 
He orders lifeboats off toward Cuba's wreck-strewn shore. 

The while he keeps his tireless watch-aloft and broods: 
" My sliip must not drive headlong on the rocks ! " 

When light 
Breaks on the sea, and carping passengers discern 

The jutting rocks and nearby surf, and tireless, still 
Aloft, the patient captain, with his massive ship 

Deep-riding unfeared waves, and o'er the ocean's hill 
The foreign pirates flying from their Cuban prey — 

Then all will praise him. Hail, even now all hail to thee. 
Aloft, alone, upon the great ship's lonely bridge. 

Amid the dark and surge of thy night-watch at sea ! 
Hail now, calm captain, in thy poise of steadfast gaze ! 
Thy soul can wait till morning for all men to praise. 

— Willia7n Knight. 
570 



APPENDIX A 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

In Congress,//^/)' 4, 1776. 

A DECLARATION 

By the Representatives of the United States of America in General Congress 

Assembled. 
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people 
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to 
assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which 
the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel 
them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal ; 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure 
these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to 
abohsh it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely 
to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that govern- 
ments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; 
and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed 
to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the 
forms to' which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and 
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce 
them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off 
such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such 
has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity 
which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The his- 
tory of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and 
usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute 
tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid 

world : 

1 



ii DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the 
public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing 
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be ob- 
tained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts 
of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in 
the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, 
and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of 
fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly 
firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to 
be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have 
returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the State remaining, in the 
meantime, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulsions 
within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose 
obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to 
encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropria- 
tions of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws 
for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, 
and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers 
to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the con- 
sent of our legislature. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the 
civil power. 

He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdicdon foreign to our 
consdtution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts 
of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment, for any murder, 
which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states : 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent: 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences : 

For abohshing the free system of Enghsh laws in a neighboring province, 
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. jii 

as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same 
absolute rule into these colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and alter- 
ing, fundamentally, the powers of our governments: 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with 
power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection 
and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed 
the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies, of foreign mercenaries to com- 
plete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny already begun, with circum- 
stances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, 
and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

\ He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to 
bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and 
brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 

He has incited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to 
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose 
known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes, and 
conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the 
most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been answered only by 
repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which 
may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have 
warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislature to extend 
an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their 
native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our 
common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt 
our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice 
of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity 
which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, 
enemies in war, in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General 
Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the 
rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good 
people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States ; that they are 
absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection 
between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; 
and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, 
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other 



iv DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

acts and things which independent states may of right do. And, for the support 
of this declaration, with a firm rehance on the protection of Divine Providence, 
we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 

The Declaration was signed as follows : 

New Hampshire. — Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. 

Massachusetts. — John Hancock, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat 
Paine, Elbridge Gerry. 

Rhode Island. — Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. 

Connecticut. — Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, Wilham Williams, Oliver 
Wolcott. 

New York. — WiUiam Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. 

New Jersey. — Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, Abraham Clark. 

Pennsylvania. — Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John 
Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George 
Ross. 

Delaware. — Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean. 

Maryland. — Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of 
Carrollton. 

Virginia, — George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin 
Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. 

North Carolina. — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. • 

South Carolina. — Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, 
Jr., Arthur Middleton. 

Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. 



APPENDIX B. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, 
estabu'sh justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the 
common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure Preamble, 
the blessmgs of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

Sectiox I -All legislative powers herein granted shall be Legislative 
vested in 'a Congress of the United States, which shall consist Pov^ers. 

nf a Senate and House of Representatives. 

SECTiox 2 -I The House of Representatives shall be composed of members 
chosen everv second year by the people of the several States, 
and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications re- House of Rep- 
qufsite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State resentat.ves. 

'1: C-on shall be a Representative who shall not have Eligi^^Uy of 
attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years Representa 

a cUizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, t.ves. 

be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen 

rReoTesentatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several 
Sties lichr^aTbe included within this Union, according to their respective 
numbeswhi'h shall be determined by adding to the whole nurnber of free 
p:rtns ;:duding those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The 
acttrenurl rauok shall be made within three years after the Manner and 
fi St meeT. of the Congress of the United States, and within Ratio of Rep- 

ty ubse-qLnt term of ten years, in such manner as they mentation 
!hall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not and Taxation, 
exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have 

^erNoS'carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georg,a three. ^ 



VI 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Vacancies in 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any 
Representation. State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of elec- 
tion to fill such vacancies. 
Speaker and 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker 

Impeachment, and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeach- 
ment. 
The Senate. Section 3.— i. The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the leg- 
islature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first 
election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The 
seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the 
Choice of One- expiration of the second year; of the second class, at the ex- 
third of the piration of the fourth year; and of the third class, at the ex- 
Senators piration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen 
Every Second every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation. 
Year. or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, 
the executive thereof may make tempoi'ary appointments until 
the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained 
Eligibility of to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the 
Senators. United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhab- 
itant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 
President of 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be Presi- 
Senate. dent of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be 

equally divided. 
President pro 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a 
tern, President/r^ teinpore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or 

when he shall exercise the office of President of the United 
States. 
Senate's Power 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach- 
to Try Im- ments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath 
peachments. or affirmation. When the President of the United States is 
tried, the Chief-Justice shall preside; and no person shall be 
convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to re- 
moval from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any 
Penalty in Cases office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but 
of Impeachment, the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject 
to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to 
law. 
Congressional SECTION 4. — I. The times, places and manner, of holding 
Elections. elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed 
in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. vii 

may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places 
of choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year. Meeting of 
and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, Congress, 
unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

Section 5. — i. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall 
constitute a quorum to do businesss; but a smaller number Organization, 
may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to com- 
pel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penal- 
ties, as each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, Rules, 
punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the con- 
currence of two-thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to 
time, pubhsh the same, excepting such parts as may, in their 

judgment, require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the Journal of Pro- 
members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire ceedings. 
of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, Adjournment, 
without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three 

days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. — i. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensa- 
tion for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out 
of the Treasury of United States. They shall, in all cases, Compensation 
except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged and Privileges 
from arrest during their attendance at the session of their re- of Congress- 
spective houses, and in going to, and returning from, the men. 
same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they 
shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2, No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was 
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of 
the United States, which shall have been created, or the emol- Congressmen 
uments whereof shall have been increased during such time; Not to Hold 
and no person, holding any office under the United States, Civil Office, 
shall be a member of either House during his continuance in 
office. 

Section 7. — i. All bills for raising revenue shall originate Revenue Bills, 
in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose 
or concur with amendments as on other bills. 

2. Every bill, which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the 
Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United 
States ; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his 
objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter 



viii CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Bills, etc., to the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to recon- 
be Presented sider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House 
to the Presi- shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
dent of the objections, to the other House, by which it shall hkewise be 
United States, reconsidered, and, if approved by two-thirds of that House, it 
shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both 
houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons 
voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House 
respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days 
(Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be 
a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their ad- 
journment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate 
and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of ad- 
journment), shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before 
the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by 
by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. — The Congress shall have power 
Powers of Con- i. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to 
gress. pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and gen- 

eral welfare, of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and 
excises shall be uniform throughout the United States : 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States: 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, 
and with the Indian tribes: 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalizadon, and uniform laws on the 
subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States: 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures : 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeidng the securities and current 
coin of the United States : 

7. To establish post-offices and post-roads : 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited 
times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings 
and discoveries : 

9. To consdtute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court: 

10. To fine and punish piracies and felonies, committed on the high seas, 
and offences against the law of nations : 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules 
concerning captures on land and water : 

12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use 
shall be for a longer term than two years : 

13. To provide and maintain a navy: 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. ix 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
forces : 

15. To provide for calling forth the mihtia to execute the laws of the Union, 
suppress insurrections, and repel invasions : 

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for 
governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United 
States, reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, and 
the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by 
Congress : 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such dis- 
trict (not exceeding ten miles square) as. may, by cession of particular States, 
and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the 
United States, and to exercise like authority over all places, purchased by the 
consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erecdon 
of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings :— And 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution 
in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 

Section 9.— i. The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the 
States, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be 
prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand Tax on Importa- 
eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed tion of Slaves, 
on such importadon, not exceeding ten dollars for each person, 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be Writ of Habeas 
suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the Corpus, 
public safety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be Ex post facto 
passed. . Law. 

4. No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless m 
proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed Direct Tax. 
to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, 

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of com- 
merce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of Free Trade 
another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be among the 
obliged to enter, clear, or pay dudes, in another. ^ States. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in con- 
sequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular state- The Treasury. 
ment and account of the receipts and expenditures of all 

public money shall be published from time to time. 

8. No dtle of nobihty shall be granted by the United States ; and no person, 
holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, with- 
out the consent of the Congress, accept of any present. Titles of Nobility 
emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any Interdicted, 
king, prince, or foreign State. 



X CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Section io. — i. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confedera- 

ation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit 

Powers Denied bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a ten- 

to the States, der in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post 

facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or 

grant any title of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or 
duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for 
executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, 
laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of 
the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and 
control of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or 
compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

The Executive Section i. — i. The executive power shall be vested in a 
Power. President of the United States of America. He shall hold 

his office during the term of four years, and together with the 
Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legis- 

Election of lature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the 

President and whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the 

Vice-Presi- State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or 

dent. Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit 

under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

3. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for 

two persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same 

State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, 

and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and 

transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed 

to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the 

presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, 

and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number 

of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number 

of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, 

and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall 

immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for President ; and if no person 

have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said House shall, in 

like manner, choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes 

shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; 

a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two- 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. xi 

thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the 
greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if 
there should remain two or more v/ho have equal votes, the Senate shall choose 
from them, by ballot, the Vice President. [This clause is annulled by Article 
XII, of the Amendments.] 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the 
day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same through- 
out the United States. 

5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States 
at the time of the adopdon of this Constitution, shall be 

eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person Requirements 
be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the for Office of 
age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident President, 
within the United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his deatli, 
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of 

the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, Proviso in Case 
and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, of Death, 
death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice- etc., of the 
President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, President, 
and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be 
removed, or a President shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensa- 
tion, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during 

the period for which he shall have been elected, and he Compensation 
shall not receive within that period any other emolument of President, 
from the United States, or any of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office he shall take the following 
oath or affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States, and will, to the best of my 
ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the Oath of Office. 
United States." 

Section 2. — i. The President shall be Commander-in-chief of the army 
and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the 
several States, when called into the actual service of the Powers and 
United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the Duties of the 
principal officer in each of the executive departments upon President, 
any subject relating to the duties of their respecdve offices ; 
and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against 
the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he 



xii CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall 
appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the 
Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law ; 
but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as 
they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads 
of departments. 

3, The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen 
during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at 
the end of their next session. 

Section 3. — i. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress informa- 
tion of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such 
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary 
occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement 
between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them 
to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other 
public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and 
shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Section 4. — i. The President, Vice-President, and all civil 
Removal from officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on 

Office of Pre- impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or 

sident, etc. other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

Section i. — The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 

Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress 

Judicial Power may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, 

of the United both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their 

States. offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, 

receive for their services a compensation which shall not be 

diminished during their continuance in office. 

Section 2. — l. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and 
equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases 
affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of 
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United 
States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States, between a 
State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between 
citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and 
between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public min- 

Rules of Court isters and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a 

Procedure. party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In 

all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. xiii 

have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and 
under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; 
and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been 
committed ; but when not committed within any State the trial shall be at such 
place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

Section 3. — i. Treason against the United States shall Treason — How 
consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to Defined and 
their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall Punished, 
be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two wit- 
nesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but 
no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except dur- 
ing the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section i. — Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public 
acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. 
And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the man- State Acts, etc. 
ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be 
proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. — i. The citizens of each State shall be entitled Privileges of 
to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several Citizens. 
States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who 
shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall 

on demand of the executive authority of the State from Fugitives from 
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State Justice, 
having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, 
escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 

regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor. Fugitive Slaves, 
but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such 
service or labor may be due. 

Section 3. — i. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; 
but no new States shall be formed or erected within the juris- 
diction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Admission of 
junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the New States, 
consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as 
of the Congress. 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules 
and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution Territories, 
shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United 
States, or of any particular State. 



XIV 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Republican Section 4. — The United States shall guarantee to every 
Government State in this Union a repubUcan form of government, and 
Guaranteed, shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on applica- 
tion of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature 
cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

1. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, 

shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the ap- 
How Amend- plication of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, 
ments to the shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in 
Constitution either case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part 
shall be Pro- of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three- 
posed, fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be 
proposed' by the Congress: provided that no amendment which maybe made 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall, in any manner, 
affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and 
that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 

Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

Debts. I. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before 

the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against 
the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made 

in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be 

The Constitution made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the 

the Supreme supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall 

Law. be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any 

State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of 

the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial 
Support of the officers, both of the United States and of the several States, 
Constitution, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to support this Consti- 
tution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi- 
cation to any office of public trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 
I. The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall Ratification, 
be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between 
the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the 
seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



XV 



hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of 
America, the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our 
names. 

George Washington, 
President, and Deputy from Virginia. 

New Hampshire. — John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 

Massachusetts. — Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King. 

Connecticut. — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. 

New York. — Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jersey. — William Livingston, David Brearley, William Patterson, Jona- 
than Dayton. 

Pennsylvania. — Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, Thomas Fitzsimmons, 
James Wilson, Thomas Mifflin, George Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Gouverneur 
Morris. 

Delaware.— George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Richard 
Bassett, Jacob Broom. 

Maryland. — James McHenry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll. 

Virginia. — John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina.— William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Wilhamson. 

South CaroUna. — John Rutledge, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler, Charles 
Cotesworth Pinckney. 

Georgia. — William Few, Abraham Baldwin. 
Attest: William Jackson', Secretary. 

The Constitution was ratified by the conventions of the several states, as 
follows : 

Delaware, Dec. 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, Dec. 12, 1787; New Jersey, Dec. 18, 
1787 ; Georgia, Jan. 2, 1788 ; Connecticut, Jan. 9, 1788 ; Massachusetts, Feb. 6, 
1788; Maryland, April 28, 1788; South Carohna, May 23, 1788; New Hamp- 
shire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, June 26, 1788; New York, July 26, 1788; North 
Carolina, Nov. 21, 1789 ; Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. 



ARTICLES 

IN ADDITION TO, AND AMENDMENT OF, 

THE CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

Proposed by Congress, and Ratified by the Legislatures of the Several States, 
pursuant to the Fifth Article of the Original Constitution. 
[During the session of the First Congress of the United States, in 1789, the 
first ten of the amendments were proposed. They were afterwards ratified by 
the states, in 1791. The Eleventh Amendment was proposed by the Third'Con- 
gress in 1794, and ratified in 1798. The Twelfth Amendment was proposed by 
the Eighth Congress, in 1803, and ratified in 1804. The Thirteenth Amendment 
was proposed by the Thirty-eighth Congress, in 1865, and ratified the same 
year. The Fourteenth Amendment was proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, 
in 1866, and ratified in 1868. The Fifteenth Amendment was proposed by the 
Fortieth Congress, in 1869, and ratified in 1870.] 

ARTICLE I. 

Religious Toler- Congress shall make no law respecting an estabhshment of 

ation. Free- religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging 

dom of Speech the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the 

and of Press, people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government 

for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE XL 
Right to bear A well-regulated mihtia being necessary to the security of a 
arms, etc. free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall 
not be infringed, 

ARTICLE III. 
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the con- 
sent of the owner; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Search War- The right of the people to be secure in their persdns, 

rants and houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches 

Seizures. . and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall 

issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirma- 



CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. xvii 

tion, and and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons 
or things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, 
except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Judicial Safe- 
militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public guards, 
danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, 
to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any 
criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or 
property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be. taken for 
public use without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district 
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district Trial by Jury, 
shall have been previously ascertained by law; and to be 
informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with 
the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses 
in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. 

ARTICLE VII. 
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a 
jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than 
according to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines BaiL 

imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 
The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall Constitutional 
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by and State 
the people. Rights. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
hibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the 

people. 

ARTICLE XL 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be con- Limitation of 

strued to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or Judicial 

prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of Power, 
another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 



xviii CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 

ARTICLE XII. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for 
President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not 
Respecting the be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they 
Election of shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, 
President and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President; 

and Vice- and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as 

President. President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and 

of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign, 
and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United 
States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate 
shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all 
the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the 
greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number 
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person 
have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not 
exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But, in choosing 
the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each 
State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or 
members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be 
necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representadves shall not choose 
a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the 
fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as Presi- 
dent, as in the case of the death, or other constitutional disability of the 
President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, 
shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number 
of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two 
highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a 
quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of 
senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, shall be 
eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

Section i. — Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
Abolition of cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have 
Slavery. been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 

any place subject to 'their jurisdiction. 
Section 2. — Congress shall have power to enforce this Ardcle by appropriate 
legislation. 

Section i. — All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and sub- 
ject to the jurisdicdon thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the 



CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. xix 

ARTICLE XIV. 
State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce 
any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of Protection to 
citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any Citizens, 
person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, 
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protecdon of the laws. 

Section 2. — Representatives shall be apportioned among 
the several States, according to their respective numbers, count- Apportionment 
ing the whole number of persons in each State, excluding of Represen- 
Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election tatives. 
for choice of electors for President and Vice-President of 
the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial 
officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of 
the male inhabitants of such State being twenty-one years of age, and citizens 
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebel- 
lion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the 
proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number 
of male citizens twenty one years of age in such State. 

Section 3. — No person shall be a senator or representative 
in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or Concerning 
hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or those who Re- 
under any State, who, having previously taken an oath as a be! against the 
member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or United States, 
as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or 
judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, 
shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
or comfort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of 
each House, remove such disability. 

Section 4. — The validity of the public debt of the United 
States authorized by law, including debts incurred for pay- Validity of the 
ment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing Public Debt. 
insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither 
the United States, nor any State, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
incurred io aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any 
claim for the loss or emancipadon of any slave ; but all such debts, obligadons, 
and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. — The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legis- 
lation, the provisions of this Article. 

ARTICLE XV. 

Section i . — The right of citizens of the United States to vote Rights of Citi- 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any zens not to 
State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. be Abridged 

Section 2. — The Congress shall have power to enforce this 
article by appropriate legislation. 



APPENDIX C. 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. 

International Law is the name given to rules of conduct accepted as 
binding by the civilized nations of the world. It is capable of being very 
differently interpreted, according to the point of view from which it is regarded, 
and its rules vary infinitely in point of certainty and acceptance. 

According to some of the leading jurists these rules are not directly recog- 
nized as being laws ; they are merely moral principles, positive, however, it is 
true, in the sense that they are recognized in fact, but destitute of the sanction- 
ing force which is the distinguishing quality of law. Most writers on In- 
ternational Law derive its principles from transcendental 
Origin of. sources, such as Nature, Reason, and Divine Will, etc., and 
they do not hesitate to attribute to its rules an intrinsic au- 
thority over all the nations of the world. It expresses the consent of nations 
to things which are, by the Law of God, binding upon them. In accordance 
with these views, rules have been accepted by civilized nations as binding in 
their mutual dealings. These rules, based on the Laws of Nature, Common 
Reason, and Divine Teaching, are, in themselves, just and reasonable. Some 
of them are so precise, so certain, so universally accepted, that they cannot be 
distinguished from positive law, except by the absence of a determinate legis- 
lative source. Many of them have been taken up by the municipal laws of 
different countries, and in so far as they are thus incorporated with positive 
systems, they are, in every sense, positive laws ; but many of the rules of 
International Law are vague, uncertain, and of disputed authority. Some of 
the rules, however, relating to capture in war, the law of 

Sanctioning blockade, and the privileges of ambassadors are so well 
Force. ascertained and settled that it is hardly conceivable that they 

should be broken by any civilized state. The other points, 
for example, as to what articles should be contraband of war, when a state 
should interfere with the domestic policy of another — no universally admitted 
principles can be said to have been established. The substance of Inter- 
national Law, has been, for this reason, divided into various sections, accord- 
ing to the degree of certainty which the rules have obtained. 

First, those derived from natural law which no action of a state can control. 
Second, those created by the idea of a state, and Third, those which can be 
created or destroyed by agreement. This and similar divisions do not really 

XX 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxi 

explain why some of the rules of International Law are fixed 
and certain, while others are pure matter of controversy. Division. 
The area of certainty in International Law is constantly 
increasing; for example, the rights of embassies were disputed by England 
until a recent period; and rules prohibiting the slave-trade and making priva- 
teering illegal are comparatively recent additions to the certainties of Inter- 
national Law. 

The theory of International Law contemplates the world as divided into 
independent states ; that states are sovereign within their 
own territories, independent of other states and equal as The Theory, 
between themselves, is a fundamental axiom of science. Not 
all states are regarded as lying within the domain of this law ; but in modern 
times it has included almost all the states of the civilized world. 

In the next place International Law regards the states of the world as being 
either in a state of war or in a state of peace. It prescribes 
rules of conduct to be observed in the mutual dealings of Conditions, 
nations which are at peace with each other ; and it fixes the 
rights and duties of belligerent and neutral nations. The rules of Inter- 
national Law with regard to war are more voluminous and more certain than 
those which govern nations in time of peace. Rules of some kind, however 
meagre, must accompany any state of society in which intercourse, hostile or 
peaceful, between different communities is common. Positive 
International Law did not come into existence until the end First Interna- 
of the Sixteenth or beginning of the Seventeenth Century, tional Recog- 
although usages of international intercourse at all times nition of the 
existed. The sanctity attributed to ambassadors, the im- Law. 
portance of formal declarations of war, and the good faith 
to be observed in promises or treaties, would probably be found to be the 
points of most general recognition. 

Several of the more important heads of International Law will have to be 
noticed separately, and it is proposed in this article to state shortly and 
in outline its leading principles so far as they can be gathered from the best 
authorities on this subject. It will be convenient to dis- 
cuss first the general rights prevailing between nation and Leading- Prin- 
nation, and secondly, the modifications and special rules ciples. 
which are brought into existence by a state of war. It may be 
necessary to distinguish here between public International Law and what is 
known as private International Law. The latter phrase is applied to those prin- 
ciples which in the ordinary tribunals of a country are used to harmonize the 
conflict of laws. Where the subject of a foreign state has a 
claim against the executive, or any citizen of another state, for Private Law. 
which he seeks redress in the courts of law, it may become 
necessary to recognize and enforce the law of the foreign state, and not the law 
of the state in which the case is being tried. 



xxii INTERNATIONAL LAW. 

Public International Law is of a totally different character, 
Public Law. recognizing nations as the only parties, and depending on the 
agreement of nations as evinced by their opinions and prac- 
tice. It is with the latter only that we have now to deal. 

Independent sovereign states are the units of International Law, and whether 
a given community is such a state is a question of fact. A community having 
definite territorial limits within which its own government exercises absolute 
authority, free from all external control, is the proper type of a state in Inter- 
national Law. Where a number of states have been united in a permanent 
confederation it may be a question whether the group alone 
An Indepen- is in International Law an independent state, or whether each 
dent State. individual member has retained its international indepen- 
dence. Again, when one state has placed itself under the 
protection of another, it may be a question whether it has lost or retained its 
independent status in International Law. A proper test would rest in its capa- 
city to deal with other states in peace or war, without reference to the protect- 
ing state. States which have lost this capacity have been called semi-sovereign 
states. They have the organization of an independent nation, but are in prac- 
tice subject to the rule of another state. 

On the other hand, a large portion of the surface of the earth is occupied by 
communities having neither the permanent territorial- occupation nor the social 
coherence of civilized states, yet entering into such relations with them as re- 
quire the recognition of some system of rules. 

A further question of the highest importance may arise when a portion of an 
existing state rises in rebelUon and sets up a claim to independence. Here, again, 
the question is one of fact. If the rebels have succeeded in establishing a gov- 
ernment, it is the right and duty of the nations to recognize 
Rebellion. the fact, and each nation must judge for itself whether the 

time for recognition has come. Premature recognition would 
be regarded as an aid to rebellion inconsistent with the rules of International 
Law. . The criterion suggested by practice and authority is whether the old 
government had ceased to contend in fact against the revolutionary state. But 
other nations are not bound to wait until the old government has itself recognized 
the independence of the new. Similar questions arise when 
Recognition of the form of government in any country is changed by revolu- 
Belligerency. tion, or when portions of one state are transferred by conquest 
to the dominion of another. When the new state of things is 
established in fact, no matter whether justly or unjustly, it must be recognized 
by other nations. 

With the question of recognition is intimately connected that of non-interfer- 
ence. Premature recognition of a struggling rebellion would be regarded as a 
breach of the principle of non-intervention, but to recognize the independence 
of an independent state is part of the same duty as to abstain from interfering 
with it when it has been estabhshed. Writers on International Law lay it down as 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxiii 

one of the fundamental principles of the science that one state has no right to 

interfere with the domestic affairs of another. This generally 

appears as one of the necessary consequences flowing from Right of Inter- 

the independence of nations. Nevertheless, the practice of ference. 

nations forbids the doctrine to be stated without limitation. 

Interference has been sanctioned, either in the purely domestic concerns of a 

nation, or with respect to its foreign relations and territorial acquisitions. 

The first kind of interference has been justified on the plea of self-defence. 
Interference to prevent effusion of blood, or putting an end to a state of anarchy 
from which the interests of other nations necessarily suffer, has also been justi- 
fied, as our interference between Spain and her rebellious subjects in Cuba. 
The same kind of interference is illustrated by the principle of the balance of 
power which is thus enunciated — that any European state may be restrained 
from pursuing plans of acquisition, or making preparations looking towards 
future acquisitions which are judged to be hazardous to the 
independence and national existence of its neighbors. This The Right of Ac- 
applies only to European states and their acquisitions in Eu- quisition. 
rope, and does not extend to predominant power on the sea. 
It is not so much a rule of International Law as a maxim of policy which has 
from time to time united European nations against the dangerous ambitions of 
one of their number. 

The " Monroe Doctrine'' is of a similar character, being directed against the 
interference of European states in the affairs of the American continent. Inde- 
pendent states are equal in International Law, because it is contrary to the nature 
of an independent state to be in servitude to another. There 
is no claim of precedence on the part of one or more states in Equality of 
international rank, and all states are equally entitled to the States, 

benefits of international rules. No difference in constitution affects this equality ; 
all states are equal in the eyes of International Law. 

Following are the rights of the nations under International Law: 

(i) The right to protect its subjects resident in other countries. (2) The 
right to recognition. (3) The right of external marks of 
honor. (4) The right to enter into treaties. Rights of 

As to the first of these, it may be laid down that a state Nations, 
has cause of complaint if its subjects in foreign countries are 
denied ordinary justice. States in relation to the territories occupied by them 
are treated on the same footing of proprietors in law. As between nations, each 
is the absolute owner of its dominions, and the principles applicable to their 
ownership are taken from the Roman law of things. For 
example, the modes of acquiring territory in International Acquiring 
Law are said to be four: (i) The first is occupation of land Territory, 
not already occupied. Mere discovery unaccompanied by 
beneficial use and occupation will not give a title. (2) The second is prescrip- 
tion or mere possession for a considerable length of time. 



XXIV 



INTERNA TIONAL LA IV. 



These have been called original modes of acquisition ; while secondary or 
derivative modes are (3) gift, purchase or treaty, and (4) conquest in war. 
With reference to these distinctions it may be observed that the overruling con- 
sideration is actual possession as a matter of fact. Sovereignty exercised over 
any territory makes it the territory of the sovereign state. This is a deduction 
of what has already been said on the subject of recognition, and the modes of 
acquisition here described would only be appealed to in default of such 
unequivocal possession. 

In former times a bull of the Pope has been set up as a title; for instance, 
the famous bull of Alexander VI., granting to Spain all lands west of a north 
and south hne drawn one hundred leagues west of the Azores. No such mode 
of acquisition would now be recognized. 

In modern times the acquisition of territory is to some extent governed by 
the wishes of the inhabitants. As an abstract principle of international justice 
the transfer of territory from one sovereignty to another should be with the 
consent of the people. This is not yet a recognized rule of International Law, 
but in many recent cases of acquisition a certain amount of deference has been 
paid to it. 

The territory of a state includes all the lands and inland waters within its 

boundaries, the mouths of rivers, bays and estuaries, and the 

Definition of sea to the distance of a marine league along the coast. Ves- 

Boundaries. sels on the high seas, and public vessels everywhere, are 

treated as part of the territory of the state to which they 

belong. The high seas are no nation's property — although in the earlier stages 

of International Law exclusive pretensions were set up to particular seas, as by 

Spain to the Pacific, England to the seas around Great Britain, and Russia to 

the North Pacific. 

Formal intercourse between nations is carried on under well-ascertained 
rules. Omitting mere ceremonial regulations, we may notice 
International specially the position assigned by law of nations to ambassa- 
Intercourse. dors. These are the highest class of diplomatic agents, and 
according to the universal modern practice, they are perma- 
nently attached to the foreign court to which they are accredited. The office 
of ambassador has, at all times, been clothed with a character of peculiar 
sanctity. His privileges during residence at a foreign court may be summed 
up in the statement that himself, his house, his property, and his household are 
exempt from the foreign jurisdiction. Like a ship of war in foreign waters, the 
embassy is ex-territorial — supposed to be part of the dominion of the nation 
which it represents. The ambassador, therefore, is not liable 
Representa- to prosecution. His official residence is free from the local 
tives. jurisdiction, but is not an asylum, and a criminal taking 

refuge there may be seized by the local authorities if not 
delivered up by the ambassador. The household may, in some respects, be 
hkened to a separate community under the sovereignty of the ambassador. 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxv 

The privileges of an ambassador and his suite, however, apply only so far as 
they do not act beyond the hmits of their legatorial character. 

Besides ambassadors, two inferior grades of foreign ministers are recognized, 
(i) envoys, ministers, or others accredited to sovereigns, and second, charges 
d' affaires accredited to ministers charged with foreign affairs. Consuls are 
merely local agents of a foreign Government, for certain limited purposes, such 
as facilitating and recording legal transactions affecting the subjects of the 
state they represent, and assisting them in obtaining their legal rights. They 
are appointed with the permission of the country in which they are to act. In 
non-Christian countries the consuls representing Christian states have more ex- 
tensive functions, and exercise generally an exclusive criminal and civil juris- 
diction over their countrymen. 

The contracts made by states with each other, are in Inter- 
national Law, treated according to the general principles of International 
the law of contracts. Under the modern practice rules of pri- Contracts, 
vate law affecting foreigners are settled by treaty on the basis 
of reciprocity. For example, extradition, copyright, etc. 

Contracts entered into between the subjects of hostile states are void. Rights 
already created by contracts entered into before the war are not destroyed, bst 
the remedy is suspended as an alien enemy has no redress in courts of law. 
All commercial intercourse between the two peoples is interdicted, according 
to the maxim that there cannot be, at the same time, a " war for arms and a 
peace for commerce." 

Partnerships between a citizen and an alien enemy, existing 
before the war are extinguished by the war. All nations, are Commercial 
agreed in pronouncing commercial intercourse illegal during a Intercourse, 
time of war. The effect of war on the persons and property of 
alien enemies within the dominions of the state or its subjects before the war, 
has been greatly softened in modern practice. In strict theory the debts and 
property would be liable to confiscation, and the persons themselves subject to 
detention as prisoners of war ; but it has been held that the guarantees to a 
contrary effect contained in commercial treaties and even in voluntary declara- 
tions by belligerent powers have altered the law of nations on this point. 

War introduces an entirely new order of rules, applying 
either between the belligerents themselves, or between the War, 

belligerents and neutral states. International Law does not 
recognize the justice or injustice of war, excepting in a formal way. Any war 
in defence of the rights which have been already described may be called just, 
and if undertaken in violation of them, may be called an unjust war. The justice 
or injustice of any war is really a question of morality. One condition of the 
legality of a war, that of a formal declaration, has ceased to be of any import- 
ance, although some publication of the fact of war is considered necessary in 
fairness to neutrals. All wars are legal in International Law, except wars levied 
by pirates or piratical communities. 

The part played by International Law is not to prevent but to regulate war- 
fare. The absence of any legal standard of the justice of a war adds to the 



xxvi INTERNATIONAL LAW. 

importance of the moral question. There being no law of nations to restrain 
the warlike ambition of nations, as there is to restrain their passions when war 
has begun, the purely moral restraints become all-important. It is througli the 
establishment of the principle of arbitration that we may ultimately hope to 
see the question of justice or injustice in war take its place among the topics of 
International Law. 

Short of war, certain preliminary hostilities are recognized. 
Preliminary These are " embargo " or the seizure in port of vessels be- 
Hostilities. longing to a foreign nation with which we have a difference, 
in order to bring it to justice ; "retorsion" or retaliating on 
the foreign nation or its subjects, by similar injuries to those inflicted on us ; 
and "reprisals" or the seizure of foreign property in retaliation for wrongs 
done to us. These are now of little importance. The right 
Pacific of "pacific blockade," the blockade of ports belonging to a 
Blockade. nation with which we profess not to be at war, has been as- 
serted in a few instances, but such interference ought to be 
treated as an act of war. 

A state of war transforms the nations engaged into two hostile camps, every 

man in either being the enemy of all in the other, and entitled to 

Theory of slay and capture as best he can. Such is the "natural" 

War. theory of war which International Law has reduced to much 

smaller proportions. 

First, hostile acts are strictly reserved for the soldiers acting under direct 

public authority; noii-combatants are to be regarded as neutrals so far as actual 

warfare is concerned ; they must abstain from hostile acts and they must be 

left unharmed by the enemy. Property taken in war belongs to the state ; not 

to the individual captor, and, on the other hand, subject to modifications to be 

pointed out hereafter. Only the property of the state, and not private property, 

should be liable to capture. War is thus reduced to an open armed strife 

between two states, carried on by means of a definite and unmistakable set of 

agents ; armies and navies. 

The Treaty of Paris of 1856 contains the famous declaration 
Privateering, that privateering is, and remains, abolished. The United 
States declined, however, to accept this decision unless the 
policy of seizing private property on the high seas by ships of war was pro- 
hibited. This point conceded, the United States would assent to the abolition 
of privateering. 

The laws and usages of actual war exhibit the same ten- 
Civilized dency to substitute a milder and more humane code for the 
Warfare. unrestrained license of earlier times. The inspiring idea is to 
introduce the spirit of law into the conduct of hostilities, to 
enforce the principle that there was a lawful as well as an unlawful way of 
waging war. 

No nation claiming to be civilized would now venture to conduct a campaign 
otherwise tlian according to the rules of civilized warfare. The actual laws and 
usages of civilized warfare can scarcelybe given in so small a space, but we 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxvii 

may refer to a summary of them as contained in the project of an international 
declaration submitted to the Brussels Conference in 1874. The Conference did 
not result in any international convention, and England firmly repudiated 
portions of the declaration which appeared to be calculated to "facilitate 
aggressive wars, and to paralyze the patriotic efforts of an invaded people." 
But, on the whole, this document, although not accepted into the legislation of 
nations, expresses their general sense on most of the points with which it deals.. 
It lays down rules with regard to (i) the occupation of a 
hostile country by military force ; (2) the distinction between Rules of 
combatants and non-combatants ; (3) the means of injuring an \A/^arfare. 
enemy; (4) sieges and bombardments ; (5) spies; (6) prison- 
ers of war ; (7) sick and wounded ; (8) private individuals and private property ; 
(9) contributions and requisitions ; (10) flags of truce; (11) capitulations; (12) 
armistices; (13) belligerents interned or wounded treated in neutral territory. 

The effects of war are restricted to the property of the state and its recog- 
nized army, although the necessity of military organization, in order to entitle 
the combatants to the rights of war, is laid down too stringently. Private 
property must be respected, and pillage is expressly forbid- 
den, but on the other hafid an army of occupation has a Rights and 
right to seize all the personal property of the state which is Restrictions 
likely to be of use in war, including any kind of munitions of in Warfare, 
war, although belonging to private individuals or companies. 
The occupying state is to consider itself in the light of an administrator and 
usufructuary of the public buildings, etc. , of the hostile state. Contributions 
and requisitions may be imposed on the inhabitants, for which receipts must be 
given. 

There are forbidden the use of poison or poisoned weapons, murder by 
treachery or murder of a disarmed enemy, declaration of "no quarter," pro- 
jectiles causing unnecessary suffering, or abuse of the flag of truce, and unneces- 
sary destruction of enemy's property ; but stratagems are per- 
mitted. Spies shall, when captured, be tried and treated Spies and the 
according to the law of the army which captures them. The Flag of Truce, 
bearer of a flag of truce is inviolable unless he abuse his posi- 
tion, but a commander is not bound to receive a flag of truce. Treatment of 
the wounded is regulated by the Geneva Convention of 1864, and such modifi- 
cations thereof as may from time to time be made. The Geneva Convention 
was an international compact between the European States, 
establishing the neutrality of ambulances and military hospitals, The Red Cross, 
and of all persons engaged in the service thereof, as well as of 
inhabitants of the country bringing help to the wounded. The hospitals, etc., 
shall bear a distinctive flag (red cross on white ground), and badges similarly 
distinguished shall be allowed for individuals entitled to the benefits of neutrality. 

The St. Petersburg declaration renounces for the contracting parties in case 
of war among themselves the use of "any projectile of a weight below 400 
grammes, which is either explosive or charged with fulminating or inflammable 
substances." 



xxviii INTERNA TIONAL LA W. 

War by land is necessarily carried on within the territory of one or other of 
the belligerents, and generally in the midst of surroundings devoted to the per- 
manent works of civilization and peace. Naval warfare is a 
Naval Warfare, duel between two sets of "floating fortresses," on an element, 
which is no nation's exclusive property, and in no nation's con- 
tinuous possession. This is the principal reason for the superior humanity char- 
acterizing the rule of war on land, where the license of primitive warfare would 
be infinitely more disastrous than it would be at sea. Another reason why the 
law of the sea retains so much of its original severity is that its rules have been 
developed under the influence of a regular court and a professional bar, and have 
acquired the fixed and inelastic character peculiar to positive law. The tolera- 
tion of privateering already noticed is an example of the difference between the 
two systems, and the practice of bombarding seaports to enforce contributions 
is another. The liability of private property to capture is, however, the most 
important point of difference. The public vessels of the enemy 
Private are, of course, the natural prey of our own. The private prop- 

Property, erty of the enemy may be contained either in private vessels of 
his own or in the ships of neutral powers, and there may be 
added for the sake of convenience a third case, where the private vessels of the 
enemy carry goods belonging to neutral owners. In the last case, when the 
hostile vessel has been captured, the neutral property is not affected thereby — 
enemy ship does not make enemy goods. In the second case the treaty of Paris 
has promulgated the rule thatyjiri? ship ma'k.QS free goods, which may now be 
regarded as the established modem rule. In the first case ship and cargo alike 
are the prey of our vessels of war. In the result, therefore, we may capture the 
enemy's ships and the enemy's property on board his own ships, but we must 
spare neutral vessels and all the goods therein, whether belonging to enemies 
or neutrals, and neutral goods when found on board the enemy's vessels. There 
is, however, a manifest tendency in international opinion, to withdraw private 
vessels and private property lawfully used, altogether from the sphere of war- 
like operations. 

In relation to the right of neutrals and their obligations to the belligerents, 
the following is in accordance with most recent decisions. The 
Neutrals and neutral nation is to be regarded as the friend of both belliger- 
their Obliga- ents, and is bound to treat both of them alike. Jurists dis- 
tions, tinguish between "strict" or "ordinary" neutrality, and 

"imperfect" neutrality, in which certain advantages are al- 
lowed to both belligerents, or in which advantages are granted to one of the 
belligerents only under a prior treaty, while the other belligerent does not 
choose to consider that which involves or {casus ({"^//z") justifies war. 

Neutral states are entitled to prohibit all belligerent operations within their 
own territory, — using that phrase in the enlarged sense it bears in International 
Law. They may prevent the passage of fleets or armies through those portions 
of the sea or land over which their jurisdiction extends. Hostilities carried on 
within neutral territory are unlawful, and captures effected thereby are void. 
The rule is indisputable, but its application to warfare by sea has not been free 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxix 

from controversy.- A capture made outside the neutral territory by the boats of 
a ship lying within the neutral territory has been held to imply 
an illegal use of that territory for purposes of war. On the Neutral 
other hand, a capture begun outside, but consummated within Territory, 

the neutral territory, is also entirely illegal. It is, in fact, as 
much the duty as the right of the neutral state to insist on these prohibitions, 
as the omission to do so in any case might give an advantage to one belligerent 
over the other inconsistent with true neutrality. The exemption of neutral 
property everywhere from the operation of war has been already noticed. The 
impartiality which it is the duty of the neutral to observe towards the belliger- 
ents has been summed up in two propositions-(i) that no assistance shouldbe 
given to either party in matters relating to war unless under some pre-existmg 
stipulation ; (2) that in matters not relating to war the neutral should not refuse 
to one belligerent "merely because he is at war with the other what she grants 
to that other." The obligation of impartiality extends to prohibiting the use of 
the neutral territory for the purpose of fitting out warlike expeditions, equipping 
vessels and enlisting men. The right and duty of neutral nations in this respect 
were f^rst recognized and enforced by the United States, long the chief repre- 
sentative and champion of neutral rights. An Act of Congress passed in 1794, 
re-enacted 1818 makes it a misdemeanor for " any person within the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States to augment the force of any armed vessels belonging 
to one foreign power at war with another power with whom they are at peace, 
or to hire or enlist troops or seamen for foreign military or naval service or to 
be concerned in fitting out any vessel to cruise or commit hostilities m foreign 

The purely international obligations of the belligerent have been the subject 
of protracted discussions between England and America, arising out of the dep- 
redations committed by Confederate cruisers on American commerce Ihe 
treaty of Washington, 1871, by which all these questions were referred to arbi- 
tration directed the arbitrators to apply to them not only the rules of the law 
of natimis, but three new rules, which England at least could not admit as being 
in force when the claims arose, but which she acceded to as an evidence of her 
de °re to strengthen friendly relations with the United States. Both parties 
agreed to abide by these principles in future, and to invite other nations to ac- 
cede to them. The rules were that a neutral government is 
bound-(i) to use due diligence to prevent the fitting ou, Rules of Neu 
arming, or equipping within its jurisdiction of any vessel which trahty. 
it has reasonable ground to beheve is intended to cruise «^ ;. 

carry on war against a power with which it is at peace, and also to use like d. 1 
eence to prevent the departure from its jurisdiction of any vessel intended to 
crTe or carry on war as'above, such vessel having been adapted in whole or in 
"Xithin such jurisdiction to warlike use; (.) not to V^^^^^:^^^^^^^ 
bellio-erent to make use of its ports or waters as the base of naval operations 
aiinst the ot'er. or for the purpose of renewal or augmentation of military 
srClesorarmsirthe recruitment of men; and (3) to exercise due diligence 
^n it's own ports and waters, and as to all persons within its jurisdiction, to pre- 
vent any violation of the foregoing obligations and duties. 



XXX INTERNATIONAL LAW. 

These rules, which we believe to be substantially just, have been unduly dis- 
credited in England, partly by the result of the arbitration, which was in favor 
of the United States, partly by the fact that they were from the point of view of 
English opinion ex post facto rules, and that the words defining liability ("due 
diligence ") were vague and open to unforeseen constructions, — for example, the 
construction actually adopted by the Geneva tribunal that due diligence ought to 
be exercised in proportion to the belligerent's risk of suffering from any failure 
of the neutral to fulfill his obligations. One important principle, to some extent 
challenged in these controversies, is established beyond dispute. Whatever the 
obligations of a neutral in any given case may be, failure to fulfill them is not 
excused either by defects of the municipal law or by successful evasions of that 
law. The neutral state ought to make its laws conformable to its international 
duties, and to compel its subjects to obey them. If it fails in either respect, 
and injury to belligerents is the consequence, it is answerable under tlie law of 
nations. 

So far we have been dealing with the rights and duties of 
Neutral Com- neutral States. Neutral commerce in times of war is subject 
merce. to restrictions which affect individuals rather than States, such 

as the rules relating to blockade and contraband of war. 

Pirates and savages or uncivilized tribes have been mentioned as excluded 
from the benefits of International Law. The municipal law of 

Uncivilized most countries assumes jurisdiction over the former wherever 
Nations. they may be found. With regard to the latter, it cannot be 
said that civilized nations have observed any rule of law or 
morality whatsoever in their dealings with them. The overflowing population 
of European nations has been compelled to seek an outlet in regions occupied 
by men in a low state of civilization, neither capable nor desirous of making 
a beneficial use of them. It is not to be pretended for a moment that the 
Europeans were bound to leave the continent of America to its original Indians, 
for even civilized communities are not permitted to claim dominion over 
territory which they do not really occupy. But the early European settlers 
founded their claims upon some authority, generally that of their own sover- 
reigns, which recognized no right whatever in the original occupants. 

They were described in patent deeds as " heathens and infidels," and a color 
of religious duty was thus imparted to the most barefaced schemes of spoliation. 
Settlements of this kind are not now made from European countries, and public 
opinion would no longer sanction the pretensions on which they were based. 
But between the European settlements already established and the native tribes 
by which they are surrounded, the same disregard of the rights of the weaker 
party is only too common. So far as England is concerned, the temptations of 
her colonists to commit injustice in their dealings with inferior races are coun- 
terbalanced by an active public opinion at home. In the conduct of hostilities 
against savages, civilized troops would not be regarded as bound by the Inter- 
national Law of war ; and it is difficult to conceive of any restraint other than 
that of their own sense of decency and humanity. In conflicts between civilized 
communities the employment of savages on either side is condemned for this 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. xxxi 

very reason. In self-defence the troops opposed to them must resort to prac- 
tices condemned by the opinion of the civihzed world. 

It is not always possible to say where International Law 
begins and international morality ends, but it is of the high- Efficiency of 
est importance to mark the distinction. The former, taken Interna- 
broadly, means the rules of conduct that the nations of the tional Law. 
civilized world admit and insist upon as a matter of course, 
and the fact that there are such rules is the central fact of the whole subject. 
Every addition to them is a positive good to the whole world, and such addi- 
tions are for the most part to be traced to the reasonings of private thinkers. 
But to treat principles supported only by the authority of jurists, however dis- 
tinguished, as of equal validity with those which have been adopted by the 
universal practice of nations is to weaken the one without strengthening the 
other. 

Among the purely speculative questions connected with the International 
Law, two deserve special notice, on account of the extent to which they have 
engaged the sympathies at least of the best minds in every age. One is the 
project for a perpetual peace, the other is the more immediately practical 
proposal to reduce the law of nations to a written code. Ben- 
tham's plan is a congress of deputies, two from each State, Peace and 
which should determine international disputes, and the decrees Arbitration, 
of which should be enforced against any State that might resist 
them by the combined power of the rest. As a preliminary condition, he 
requires the reduction of military establishments and the abandonment by 
European nations of their colonies. Kant proposes a confederation of States, 
all under a republican constitution, and acting in international affairs through 
congresses to be held from time to time. An account of these and other 
projects of the same kind will be found in Wheaton's " History of the Law of 
Nations." Codification would effect for the law of nations, as a whole, what 
has already been done for portions of it by the St. Petersburg and Geneva 
Conventions, and even by the treaties of Paris and Washington. All states are 
alike interested in ascertaining the rules to which they have assented in 
general terms. The work has already been to a great extent performed by 
private associations, and what is wanted is the formal ratification of their labors 
by the governments of the \vorld. 



APPENDIX D. 

DEFENCES OF THE UNITED STATES AND SPAIN. 



SPAIN'S MILITARY POWER. 

The Spanish 'coast and frontiers are defended by forty-eight fortified sea- 
ports and inland fortifications. Under Military Law of July i, 1885, the armed 
forces of Spain consisted of (i) A permanent army; (2) A first or active re- 
serve ; (3) A second or sedentary reserve. 

All Spanish boys the age of nineteen are liable to be drawn for the perma- 
nent army in which they must serve three years. They then pass for three 
years into the first reserve, and for six years into the second. By a payment of 
1,500 pesetas, any one may purchase exemption from military service. 

For the colonial army the total period of service is eight years ; four with the 
colors and four in the second reserve. It is estimated that Spain can mobilize, 
in case of necessity, an effective army of over one miUion men. The regular 
army of continental Spain is organized in eight army corps, of which two con- 
tain each, three divisions of infantry, three contain, two divisions, and three con- 
tain, one division each. Of cavalry, three of the army corps have each, one 
division, and two have each, one brigade. 

In the Balearic Islands, the Canaries and Ceuta, there are, altogether, three 
divisions of infantry, and at Melilla, one brigade. The regular army is com- 
posed as follows : 

Infantry. — 56 regiments of the line ; 50 reserve regiments. 
Cavalry. — 28 regiments of the line ; 14 reserve regiments. 
Artillery. — 17 regiments of field or mountain artillery, and 5 battalions of 

fortress artiller)'. 
Sappers. — 4 regiments. 
Chasseurs.— 5 brigades and 10 battalions reserve. 

There is also one regiment of pontooners, one battalion of railway troops, 
one battalion of telegraphists, one brigade for telegraphic service, one section 
of workmen, 7 artillery depots, 7 engineer depots, 16 administrative companies, 
16 sanitary companies, and not included in the corps formation are also one 
regiment of field artilleiy and 4 battalions of fortress artillery. The total peace 
footing is 128,123. The total war footing, 183,972. 
xxxii 



DEFENCES OF THE UNITED STATES AND SPAIN xxxiii 

The army is pro\-ided ■nith about 14,300 horses and mules, and 590 guns. 
The annual contingent of recruits is fixed at 80,000 men. The number of m.en 
in the army for the year ending June 30, 1898, has been fixed at 100,140. The 
number employed in Cuba and the Phihppines has been considerably in- 
creased on account of the war with the United States. There are supposed to 
be, under arms, or available for service in Cuba, 250,000 men. Spain has 
thirteen miUtarv schools and colleges. 



SPAIN'S NAVAL PO"WER. 

The following is an account of the strength of the Spanish Na\y, at the 
beginning of the war ; this includes ships that were sunk at Manila and else- 
where : 

Battle-ships first class, i. Building, i. 

Port Defence Ships, i. 

Cruisers, first class, armored, 9. Building, 2. 

Cruisers, first class, protected, i. 

Cruisers, second class, unprotected, 7. 

Cruisers, third class, unprotected, 11. 

Gun-boats, etc., 80. Building, 12. 

Torpedo-boats, first class, 20. Building, 6. 

Torpedo-boats, second class, 3. 

Torpedo-boats, third class, 4, 

The Spanish Navy met with a series of accidents during the year 1895, 
which deprived her of no less than four cruisers. The *' Rema Regetite," 
second class cruiser, was lost on the Bajo Ascitunos reef, off the coast of Spain, 
north of Cape Trafalgar. The " Saw:hez Barcaizteguy" third class cruiser, 
was lost at Havana, and the " Cristobal Colon,'' third class cruiser, was lost 
near Cape San Antonio, Cuba, and the " Tajo," third class cruiser, was wrecked 
not far from San Sebastian. 

The navy of Spain is manned by 1,002 officers, 725 mechanicians and other 
employees and 14,000 sailors. The marines number about 9,000. The navy, 
like the army, is recruited by conscription. Naval districts for this purpose 
being formed along the coast among the sea-faring population. 

UNITED STATES MILITARY POWER. 

By the Sth Section of the First Article of the Constitution of the-United States, 
Congress is empowered to raise and support armies ; by the Second Section 
of the Second Article, the President is appointed Commander-in-Chief of the 
army and na\'y, and of the mihtia when called into service of the United States. 

On August 7, 1789. Congress established a Department of War as the instru- 
ment of the President in carr}ing out the provisions of the Constitution for 
military affairs. 



xxxiv DEFENCES OF THE UNITED STA TES AND SPAIN. 

By the Acts of Congress approved July 28, 1866, March 3, 1869, and July 
15, 1870, the number of land forces constituting the standing army of the 
United States was strictly limited. It was subsequently enacted that from the 
year 1875 there should be no more than 25,000 enhsted men at one time, exclu- 
sive of the hospital corps, the strength of which is 706 enlisted men. The 
actual commissioned and enlisted strength of the army, before the war with 
Spain, was as follows : 

OfScers. Men. 

General and General Staff 362 

Ordnance Department 56 605 

Engineer Department 109 500 

10 Regiments of Cavalry 432 6,170 

5 Regiments of Artillery 280 4025 

25 Regiments of Infantry 877 I3)I25 

Non-commissioned staff, enlisted men not attached to regi- 
ments, Indian scouts, Police, etc 575 

The 9th and loth Regiments of Cavalry and the 24th and 25th Regiments 
of Infantry are composed of negro soldiers, but with white officers; besides the 
regular army, each state has a militia. The total number of organized militia 
throughout the country numbers 9,376 officers and 106,251 men. According to 
the last census the males of all classes of militia age numbered 13 230,168. 
Of these 9,086,066 were native white and 2,806,082 foreign white, and 1,426,204 
colored. 

THE UNITED STATES NAVAL POWER. 

Within recent years the United States Navy has been greatly increased, and 
is now one of the strongest navies of the great Powers. The control of naval 
affairs is vested in the Secretary of the Navy, appointed by the President, with 
the approval of the Senate. 

The vessels of the navy, including those building, and those authorized since 
the opening of war, are as follows : 

Battle-ships first class, 4. Building, 5. 

Battle-ships second class, i. (Sister-ship to the ''Maifie.") 

Coast Defence, 20. 

Armored cruisers, 4. 

Protected cruisers, 14. 

Auxiliary cruisers, 65. 

Gun-boats, 19. 

Torpedo gun-boats, i {'building, 2 ; authorized, 19. 

Torpedo-boats, first-class, 9. Building 10, authorized 12. 

Second and third class, 4. Building, 3. 



STATE MILITIA OF THE STATES OF THE UNION. 

STRENGTH OF THE NATIONAL GUARD AND OF THE AVAILABLE ARMS-BEARING 
POPULATION OF EACH OF THE STATES AND TERRITORIES. 



States and 
Territories. 



Alabama 

Alaska 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut .... 

Delaware 

District of Columbia 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Indian Territory . . 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Michigan 

Massachusetts . . . 

Minnesota 

Mississippi . . . . 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire • . 
New Jersey . . . . 
New Mexico . . . . 

New York 

North Carolina . . 
North Dakota . . . 

Ohio 

Oklahoma 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania . . . 
Rhode Island . . . 
South Carolina . . 
South Dakota . . . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington . . . . 
West Virginia . . . 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming ... 

Totals 



13 



7 
21 

70 

13 
20 
20 
49 
7 
84 
14 
64 



55 
30 
17 
14 

7 
25 
19 
38 

7 

16 
10 
13 

7 

I 

15 
60 
21 

86 
30 
II 

17 

9 

26 

185 
27 

51 

I 

9 
57 
16 
27 
10 
28 
10 

33 
10 



163 



86 

42 

290 

102 



170 2,240 , 33,500 



46 
47 



70 
590 
159 



43 
112 
141 



243 
85 

43 

64 
119 
197 

23 



1,391 



76 
73 



127 
195 



412 

839 
3.890 

759 
2,571 

381 
1,169 

890 
3-540 

560 

5,911 
2,700 



60 

43 
491 



241 
126 

239 

120 

27 

63 

64 

80 

120 

423 



49 

460 



no 

193 

109 

1,200 

36 

63 

356 

137 

219 
109 



63 
249 I 

391 ; 
92 

90 
155 

116 : 

80 I 

210 I 
57 



43 



57 



2,314 
1,607 

1,563 
1,356 
1,260 
1,652 
2,506 
4,260 
1,810 
1,360 
2,180 

561 
1,075 

281 

1,130 
3,970 

215 

12,563 

1,400 

411 
5,941 

430 

1,549 
7,920 

782 
2,410 

814 
1,481 
2,390 

751 

631 
2,700 

911 

902 
2,600 

335 



! 893 
N. Ltd. 

7,119 

I 2,861 

j 4,108 

1,126 

3,320 

1,474 

12,330 

N. Ltd. 

9,812 

4,601 

5,000 

5,000 

! 2,131 
3,500 

N. Ltd. 
2,414 
2,599 

3,644 
5,832 

2,523 
1,800 
2,500 

N. Ltd. 
2,000 

N. Ltd. 
1,709 
6,047 
1,000 
15,000 
5,000 
936 
9,460 

2,164 
I 10,878 

' 1,571 
N. Ltd. 

' 3,057 
N. Ltd. 
3,000 
4,691 
800 
5,104 
1,879 
1,438 
3,104 



o = > 
Hon 

■<CA1 



2,572 



5,000 5,136 101,883 196,925 



,505 
'948 

4,250 

,921 

2,680 
401 

1,331 

1,009 
4,355 
574 
6,261 
2,906 

2,369 
1,697 
1-623 
1,861 
1,267 
1,677 
2,525 
4,782 

1,943 
1,709 
2,310 

601 
1,188 

346 
1,289 
4,269 

433 

13,285 

1,430 

547 
6,491 

439 
1,748 
8,547 
1,309 
3,743 

851 
1,643 
2,958 
1,020 

738 
3,139 
1,105 

912 
2,733 

345 






113,58= 



165,000 

1,000 

7,700 

205,000 

206,000 

85,000 
104,750 

28,100 

42,000 

60,000 
264,500 

18,000 
700,000 
525,000 

20,000 
276,000 
100,500 
408,000 
139,000 
104,307 
150,000 
260,000 
406,900 
162,000 
233,500 
400,000 

25,500 

178,000 

4,600 

53,713 
385,280 

26,000 
942,750 
240,500 

2I,OCO 
650,000 

45,500 

57,500 
812,315 

83,100 
177,800 

31,000 
160,000 
310,000 

63,000 

49,273 
246,500 

61,000 

121,700 

372,500 

9,000 



10,199,788 



tC15 80 




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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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